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Pakistan: Who’s in Control? Of course, Pak Army!

Eight years ago, Pakistan’s ex-President and former chief of Pakistan Army Gen Pervez Musharraf proudly claimed that “Military rule has always brought the country [Pakistan] back on track, whereas civilian governments have always derailed it.” Though a very strong and equally contentious statement, this pompous declaration went largely unnoticed and there was a reason for this — after October 27, 1958, when Gen [Later Field Marshal] Ayub Khan seized power through a coup, Pakistan has never seen a true civilian government– a fact that Pakistan Army’s another former chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa himself admitted.

Readers would recall that in his 2022 farewell speech, Gen Bajwa had broached the serious issue of burgeoning public criticism of Pakistan’s military, revealing that “the reason for this is the constant meddling by the army in politics for the last 70 years,” while acknowledging that this practice was “unconstitutional.” But in June this year, Pakistan’s Defence Minister Khawaja Asif during an interview to Arab News accepted that Pakistan was following a “hybrid model” of democracy where the military and politicians share power. Arab News aptly termed this revelation “an open secret in political circles but a rare public admission by a serving (government) official”.

While Asif accepted that Pakistan didn’t have “an ideal democratic government,” he nevertheless displayed his subservience to the military by defending this ludicrous undertaking as a practical necessity until Pakistan was “out of the woods as far as economic and governance problems are concerned.” The surprising part is that at a time when things on both these fronts are going from bad to worse, Asif, shamelessly contradicting ground realities like a besotted apologist, still claims that this arrangement is “doing wonders.”

By stealing the peoples’ mandate through indiscriminate rigging and brazenly targeting former Prime Minister Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), field marshal Syed Asim Munir has pushed Pakistan into the quagmire of political instability. However, he’s not perturbed because by orchestrating installation of the pliable Shehbaz Sharif government, just like a whimsical puppeteer, field marshal Munir can run the country the way he likes.

Pakistan’s economy too is suffering due to the prevailing political vacuum. Al Jazeera has aptly quoted Lahore University of Management Sciences economic professor Ali Hasnain saying, “The only way out of this dilemma for Pakistan is to undertake deep structural reforms of the sort which no government has shown a commitment to yet, so that both the economy and defence spending can stay robust over the medium and long terms.” But the ‘hybrid model’ government headed by field marshal Munir has shown no inclination for initiating meaningful structural reforms.

With due respect to his devout religious outlook, airing hostile views against citizens doesn’t behoove a field marshal who is running a country. Curbing legitimate dissent by declaring that political opponents are agents of foreign powers and citing existential incompatibility between Hindus and Muslims has further vitiated the already hostile environment in Pakistan. Use of excessive force against peaceful protesters in Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir [PoJK] and in its hinterland also breeds public resentment and kick starts a cycle of violence.

Khyber Pakhtunkhwa [KP] and Balochistan are live examples of how the Pakistan Army has precipitated a humongous crisis by denying locals their legitimate rights and using excessive force [including aerial strikes] against innocent civilians as well as subjecting them to enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings.

Most importantly, concealing lapses by blaming neighbours [India and Afghanistan] for all the woes in Pakistan further promotes public hatred towards the people of these countries. Resultantly, rather than mending fences through dialogue and living cordially like friendly neighbours, democratically elected governments in Pakistan cannot afford to do so as any such move is viewed by the public as outright treason.

But this is exactly what Rawalpindi wants.

The extra-constitutional powers that Rawalpindi enjoys spring from the delusion that it has successfully created over the years in the minds of the public by presenting the ever-looming threat of extinction ‘Islamic’ Pakistan faces from a ‘Hindu’ India. So, whenever things aren’t going too well for the army, it starts titling at the ‘Hindustan’ windmills, and field marshal Munir’s recent resurrection of the “Two Nation Theory” is an example.

Returning to the question of who’s in actual control in Pakistan. Just last month, in a TV interview, Aziz was asked, “In most countries, the head of the army answers to the defence minister. In your country, you, the defence minister, answer to the head of the army, don’t you? Rather than give a simple ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ reply, the Pakistani Defence Minister said, “No, it’s not like that… I’m a political appointee.” With Aziz choosing to use two disjointed sentences to answer instead of giving a one-word reply, it’s absolutely clear as to who’s in actual control in Pakistan!

Pakistan’s Double Standards Exposed: Shedding Innocent Blood at Home While Preaching on Jammu Kashmir

Zeshan Syed

Pakistan once again revealed its disregard for human life in the month of September 2025. Fighter jets of the Pakistan Air Force dropped LS-6 bombs on the small village of Matre Dara in the Tirah Valley of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, killing at least thirty civilians, including women and children. Within moments, homes were destroyed, families erased, and lives shattered forever. The military claimed it was targeting militants, but those who died were innocent villagers. There was no accountability, no remorse, and no transparency just silence and indifference. For the people of Pakistan, this was not an isolated tragedy but yet another chapter in a long history of state cruelty against its own citizens.

What makes this tragedy even more glaring is the hypocrisy of Pakistan’s rulers. While the military establishment kills its own people, it continues to preach to the world about “freedom” and “human rights” in Jammu Kashmir. The same state that drops bombs on women and children in Tirah Valley has the audacity to claim moral superiority over India. It is this double standard that defines Pakistan today a nation where the generals rule like kings, the politicians act as their puppets, and the common citizen lives in fear.

The so-called leadership of Pakistan self-proclaimed Field Marshal Asim Munir and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif are nothing more than sailors of a sinking ship. They steer a vessel battered by corruption, militarism, and hypocrisy, pretending to guide it toward stability while drilling holes in its own hull. Asim Munir, who projects himself as a “savior in uniform,” has extended military control into every institution politics, media, judiciary, and even civil administration. Under his command, airstrikes on civilians, disappearances of activists, and crackdowns on journalists have become the new normal. Meanwhile, Shehbaz Sharif, posing as the face of “democratic governance,” acts as a mere frontman for the generals, signing off on their directives without question. Together, they represent a system that thrives on deceit, where power is preserved through fear, and where patriotism is measured by one’s silence.

This reality is visible in Pakistan-Occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoJK), where recent protests for basic human rights were crushed with brutal force. The people of Muzaffarabad, Rawalakot, and Kotli came out demanding affordable wheat, fair electricity prices, and relief from crushing poverty. They were calling for survival. Yet, they were treated in a very inhumane manner. Security forces opened fire on unarmed protesters, killing at least five people, including a young man named Adnan, whose only demand was cheap flour for his family. The streets of PoJK, once filled with slogans for justice, were taken over by troops and intelligence agents. Under the watch of Asim Munir and Shehbaz Sharif, establishment proved once again that it fears people they rule more than international shame.

As protests in PoJK were silenced with lollipop, unrest spread to Pakistan’s mainland. In Lahore and Islamabad, supporters of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) clashed with Pakistan’s establishment after calling for solidarity with Palestinians. The Pakistan’s establishments reaction was swift and ruthless tear gas, rubber bullets, and live fire. At least five people were killed, dozens injured, and hundreds detained. Mobile networks were shut down, highways were blocked, and the media was ordered not to report freely. It is pertinent to mention here that Pakistan is now operating one of the most intrusive surveillance systems in the region, spying on millions of its own citizens through digital firewalls and phone tapping. Dissent, whether political or religious, is no longer tolerated. Opposition leaders are languishing in jails; over a hundred have been handed lengthy prison sentences. This is the “democracy” that Shehbaz Sharif and Asim Munir have built a democracy without freedom, without voice, and without conscience.

While Pakistan’s rulers wage war against their own people, they continue to chant slogans about Kashmir. But their hypocrisy stands exposed before the world. The same establishment that kills its own citizens cannot claim to be the guardian of anyone’s rights. In Pakistan-Occupied Jammu and Kashmir, people asking for flour and electricity are branded as traitors; in Balochistan, entire villages are bombed under the guise of counter-insurgency; and in Sindh, political activists vanish without a trace. The military’s control has turned the nation into a prison guarded by men in uniform and politicians who bow to them.

Whereas, India has faced Pakistan-sponsored terrorism, yet its armed forces have operated under strict rules of engagement. Every counterterrorism operation is guided by the principle of protecting civilian lives. Soldiers risk their own safety to avoid civilian casualties. Indian forces conduct precise, intelligence-based operations rather than indiscriminate bombings. The reason is simple: the people of Jammu and Kashmir are Indian citizens whose lives, rights, and dignity matter. This reflects the true spirit of India’s democracy, where the military serves the nation, not rules it.

Pakistan’s establishment has long built its power on lies, lies about religion, about nationalism, and about Jammu Kashmir. The so-called Field Marshal and his political ally continue to steer a nation already broken by their predecessors. The economy is in ruins, inflation has crushed the poor, and public trust in institutions is gone. The generals’ grip on power grows tighter even as their legitimacy collapses. They silence journalists, arrest opposition members, and crush every spark of dissent. Their rhetoric about Jammu Kashmir is merely a distraction from their failures at home.

The protests in PoJK mark a turning point. For decades, Pakistan claimed to speak for the people of Jammu Kashmir; now those very people are speaking for themselves and their words are not flattering to Islamabad. Their demands are simple: bread, light, water, dignity. Yet, for asking these, they are met with bullets. Their courage exposes the myth that Pakistan ever cared for Jammu Kashmiris. It never did it only cared for using their name to justify its militarism. The contrast between India and Pakistan could not be sharper. India, despite challenges, remains a democracy that values human life and human rights. Pakistan, under Asim Munir and Shehbaz Sharif, remains a military-run autocracy masquerading as a republic. The difference between the two is not just political it is moral. India’s restraint shows strength; Pakistan’s brutality shows fear. The self-proclaimed Field Marshal and his political puppet may continue to pretend they are steering Pakistan toward greatness, but in truth, they are the sailors of a sinking ship. Their arrogance blinds them to the truth that their ship is taking on water from every direction economic collapse, public unrest, international isolation, and moral bankruptcy. The bombs in Tirah Valley, the blood of protesters in PoJK, and the tears of mothers searching for disappeared sons in Balochistan all are reminders of how far Pakistan has fallen under their command. Pakistan’s double standards stand naked before the world. A country that kills its own people while preaching about freedom across the border has no moral ground left to stand on. Until Pakistan learns to value the lives of its own citizens from Tirah to Muzaffarabad it cannot claim to defend anyone else’s. The voices rising from PoJK are no longer whispers they are warnings. The sailors of Pakistan’s sinking ship may still cling to power, but the tide of truth is already turning against them.

Misuse of Security and Accommodation in Jammu & Kashmir: The Rise of Conflict Beneficiaries

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Jammu and Kashmir, a region often characterized by its complex socio-political landscape, has seen numerous individuals rise to prominence under the pretext of political activism. Over the years, the government has provided security and accommodation to these activists, recognizing the genuine threats they face. However, a concerning trend has emerged in which some of these individuals have exploited these provisions for personal gain, becoming what can only be described as beneficiaries of the ongoing conflict in the region. The government’s decision to provide security and accommodation to political activists in Jammu and Kashmir stems from a genuine need to protect those at risk. The region’s history of militancy and unrest has made such measures necessary to safeguard the lives of individuals who stand in the public eye, often at great personal risk. These provisions, funded by taxpayers, are meant to ensure that activists can continue their work without fear of violence or intimidation.

Unfortunately, the misuse of these government provisions has become alarmingly common. There are numerous cases of political activists in Jammu and Kashmir misusing the accommodations provided to them, turning them into personal assets or even subletting them for financial gain. Security personnel, intended to protect these individuals from genuine threats, are often relegated to performing domestic chores or other non-essential tasks, far removed from their actual duties.The exploitation doesn’t end with the misuse of resources; it extends into the very lives of the people these activists claim to represent. Under the pretext of helping the common people secure jobs or get their work done in government offices, these so-called activists have been running an elaborate scam. They promise employment or expedited services in exchange for money, exploiting the desperation of those who are struggling to make ends meet.These activists don’t hesitate to provide fake documents, deceiving people into believing that their work has been done, only for them to find out later that they’ve been cheated. In many cases, the people who fall victim to these scams have no recourse, as the activists leverage their government-provided security and political connections to avoid accountability.

This practice not only robs the public of their hard-earned money but also deepens the mistrust between the people and the government. The financial burden of providing security and accommodation to political activists in Jammu and Kashmir is significant. When these resources are misused, it represents a direct theft from the public purse. The money that could have been used to improve infrastructure, provide better healthcare, or enhance educational opportunities is instead funneled into supporting the lavish lifestyles of a select few. This misuse is a gross injustice to the people of Jammu and Kashmir, who continue to struggle with the daily challenges posed by the region’s instability.The time has come for the authorities in Jammu and Kashmir to take decisive action against those who have exploited their positions for personal gain. There must be a thorough and transparent inquiry into the misuse of security and accommodation provisions. The Jammu and Kashmir Police, in particular, should be called upon to investigate these allegations with the seriousness they deserve. Those found guilty of abusing their privileges and exploiting the public should face appropriate legal consequences. The police must also crack down on the issuance of fake documents and the exploitation of vulnerable individuals seeking assistance.Furthermore, there must be a concerted effort to restore the trust of the people in their political representatives. Public resources must be used for the benefit of all, not just a privileged few who have learned to manipulate the system to their advantage. By holding these conflict beneficiaries accountable, the government can begin to rebuild faith in its commitment to justice and equity.

The misuse of government-provided security and accommodation by political activists in Jammu and Kashmir is a pressing issue that cannot be ignored. It represents not only a betrayal of public trust but also a significant drain on the region’s already limited resources. These activists’ exploitation of the public, through fake promises and documents, is a gross violation of their duty to serve the people. The top brass of Jammu and Kashmir Police are urged to conduct a comprehensive inquiry into these abuses and to take swift action against those who have turned the region’s conflict into a personal profit-making venture. Only through such accountability can the integrity of the political process be preserved, and the rightful use of public funds ensured.

Decisive Retaliation: India’s Message to Terror Sponsors Across the Border Firm message to Pakistan, no tolerance for terrorism

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Editors Desk

Lt Gen Rajiv Ghai, India’s Director General of Military Operations, said on Tuesday that Pakistan likely lost more than 100 soldiers along the Line of Control during Operation Sindoor. He based this on a list of posthumous awards that Pakistan’s military released. He also repeated recent claims by India’s Chief of Air Staff, Air Chief Marshal A. P. Singh, that Pakistan lost at least 12 aircraft during the May fighting. Lt Gen Ghai added that the Indian Navy was ready to act, and if Pakistan had continued the attacks the situation could have become disastrous for Pakistan not only at sea but in other ways as well. Describing the clashes of May 7–10, Lt Gen Ghai said Pakistan began cross-border firing right after India struck nine terrorist targets on May 7. He suggested that Pakistan’s own awards list which came out on August 14 revealed a high number of posthumous medals and thus indicated heavy casualties on their side. He said India’s goal had been to hit terrorist infrastructure, not to escalate unless forced to. But Pakistan’s immediate firing after the strikes led to a wider confrontation. Lt Gen Ghai described Pakistan’s attempts to use drones against India as a failure. He said Pakistan used different types of drones to try to cause damage, even after the two countries’ DGMOs had talked, but those attacks failed. As a result of the drone and other attacks, the Indian Air Force carried out precision strikes on Pakistani installations on the night between May 9 and 10. Lt Gen Ghai said India damaged 11 air bases, hit eight airfields, three hangars and four radar sites, and destroyed Pakistani aircraft on the ground. He listed Pakistan’s losses as including one C-130 type transport aircraft, one AEW&C (airborne early warning) plane, and about four to five fighter jets. He also said there were aerial losses and noted a very long-range ground-to-air kill at more than 300 kilometres, which hit five advanced fighters. Operation Sindoor began on May 7 after the Pahalgam terror attack. India targeted terrorist infrastructure in Pakistani-controlled areas. The strikes led to four days of heavy fighting, which stopped after both sides agreed to halt military actions on May 10. Lt Gen Ghai also said India tracked down and killed the three terrorists who carried out the Pahalgam attack in June. He said it took 96 days of effort, but the Army kept searching until they were found and eliminated. When found, the terrorists appeared exhausted and malnourished, he added. Finally, Lt Gen Ghai said India has changed its approach to dealing with terror. He quoted the Prime Minister’s three key points, terror attacks are acts of war and will receive decisive retaliation; India will not be intimidated by nuclear threats; and there will be no distinction between terrorists and those who sponsor them.

Huh! Pakistan & her futile daydream over Kashmir

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Islamabad’s anger and embarrassment is understandable. Rawalpindi’s ill-considered decision to invest in the Afghan Taliban as a means to fulfill its ambition of creating ‘strategic depth’ in Afghanistan by orchestrating placement of a pliable regime in Kabul as a buffer against India has backfired. And Afghan Acting Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi’s recent visit to New Delhi and his anti-Pakistan statements only added insult to Islamabad’s wounds. While reacting to the joint statement issued during this visit, Pakistan’s Foreign Ministry mentioned that “it was conveyed that the reference to Jammu and Kashmir as part of India is in clear violation of the relevant UN Security Council resolutions and the legal status of Jammu and Kashmir.” Though an oft-repeated argument, Islamabad’s full of sound and fury statement merits a closer examination to ascertain the accuracy of the assertions contained therein.

A Ludicrous Narrative
Pakistan’s case on Kashmir is based on two arguments– One, J&K is ‘disputed territory’, and two, a plebiscite as envisaged in UNSC Resolution 47 needs to be held in order to ascertain the wishes of the Kashmiri people and determine whether they want to remain with India or become part of Pakistan. While it may assert that its stance on Kashmir is principled and in keeping with UNSC resolutions, the reality is that Islamabad’s Kashmir narrative is a mix of half-truths and selective
interpretation of UN resolutions.

Pakistan’s failure to garner support of the international community for its Kashmir narrative for more than seven-and-a half decades despite raising this issue on every conceivable occasion clearly indicates the inherent deficiency of compelling reasons in the same. So, let’s first examine Pakistan’s repetitive claim of J&K being “disputed territory” and thereafter the issue of plebiscite in J&K.

“Disputed Territory”?
A piece of real estate becomes disputed when its ownership is uncertain. The erstwhile ruler of J&K signed the Instrument of Accession in favour of India and being a legal document, it made this kingdom an integral part of India. The fact that legality of J&K’s accession to India has never ever been questioned by the UNSC clearly proves that this region is very much an integral part of India. Yet, Pakistan wants the world to believe that J&K is deemed “disputed territory” by UNSC.

As long as the ownership title of any disputed real estate remains unclear, the parties claiming rights over it don’t have any legal rights to make any arbitrary transactions related to such property. However, while Pakistan vociferously maintains that J&K is “disputed territory,” it has nevertheless unilaterally ceded the 5,200 square km Shaksgam Tract [which is part of J&K] to China under the Sino-Pakistan Agreement of 1963. By doing so, hasn’t Pakistan demolished its own claim of J&K being “disputed territory”?

Furthermore, if J&K is a UNSC designated “disputed territory,” then how did Pakistan enter into an agreement with Beijing to develop the China Pakistan Economic Corridor [CPEC] through Pakistan-occupied Jammu & Kashmir [PoJK], without seeking explicit prior permission of UN? Doesn’t this action rip apart Islamabad’s contention of J&K being a “disputed territory”?

Plebiscite
Whereas UNSC Resolution 47 does mention conduct of a plebiscite in J&K, this exercise is contingent on the following mandatory pre-requisites required to be fulfilled by the Government of Pakistan:
* “To secure the withdrawal from the State of Jammu and Kashmir of tribesmen and Pakistani nationals not normally resident therein who have entered the State for the purpose of fighting, and to prevent any intrusion into the State of such elements and any furnishing of material aid to those fighting in the State.”
* “To make known to all concerned that the measures indicated in this and the following paragraphs provide full freedom to all subjects of the State, regardless of creed, caste, or party, to express their views and to vote on the question of the accession of the State, and that therefore they should co-operate in the maintenance of peace and order.”

Pakistan has not only refused to withdraw non-residents from PoJK but has even changed the demography of this area by encouraging non-Kashmiris to settle here. Thus, we have a situation where on the one hand Islamabad keeps clamouring for a plebiscite in J&K, but on the other hand refuses to implement the first pre-condition for facilitating a plebiscite.

Next is the pre-requisite of ensuring “full freedom to all subjects of the State, regardless of creed, caste, or party, to express their views and to vote on the question of the accession of the State.” Para 7[2] of PoJK constitution stipulates that “No person or political party in ‘Azad Jammu and Kashmir’ shall be permitted to propagate against, or take part in activities prejudicial or detrimental to, the ideology of the State’s accession to Pakistan.”

When the PoJK constitution specifically criminalizes expressing any views against the ideology of PoJK’s accession to Pakistan, isn’t it delusional to expect that PoJK citizens will have ‘full freedom’ to express their choice while participating in the plebiscite?

Reality Check
It was Islamabad’s unsuccessful attempt to internationalise the Kashmir issue by trying to project abrogation of Article 370 by India as a brazen violation of UN resolutions on Kashmir that showed Pakistan the mirror. While its efforts to seek UN intervention failed miserably, Pakistan’s own leaders and its International Court of Justice [ICJ] barrister openly admitted that Islamabad’s contention had no merit.

Readers would recall that even before the UNSC took a decision on Islamabad’s demand that New Delhi should revoke abrogation of Article 370, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi asked his countrymen not to “live in the fool paradise” because UNSC members “are not waiting with garlands in their hands.” And his prognosis was bang-on!

Similarly, after Islamabad announced that it would take the Article 370 abrogation issue to ICJ, Pakistan’s advocate at ICJ Khawar Qureshi admitted that “In the absence of these pieces of evidence [of genocide in J&K], it is extremely difficult for Pakistan to take this case to ICJ. That Islamabad finally decided against taking this issue to ICJ validates its legally untenable position on Kashmir.

Rawalpindi’s ‘Remedy’
Pakistan Army chief Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir’s brag that “Pakistan has already fought three wars for Kashmir, and if ten more wars are required, Pakistan will fight them,” raises a very pertinent question that strikes down Pakistan’s so-called principled position on Kashmir.

If Pakistan’s stand on Kashmir is indeed principled and in keeping with UNSC resolutions on Kashmir [which envisages peaceful resolution of this issue], then where was the need for the Pakistan Army to barefacedly violate the same by waging three unsuccessful wars with the aim of wresting control of J&K through force of arms?

And when Rawalpindi unilaterally violated UNSC resolutions calling for peaceful resolution of the Kashmir issue in 1965 by undertaking a full scale military offensive [Operation Gibraltar] in a bid to annex Kashmir, didn’t Pakistan lose the moral right to invoke UNSC resolutions?

Pakistan’s Predicament
The Field Marshal’s remark of fighting “ten more wars” for J&K, if required, is an unambiguous acceptance of two facts. One, Islamabad’s Kashmir narrative is too feeble to convince the international community and so, military means is the only way forward to fulfill Pakistan’s nearly eight-decade old unfulfilled dream. Two, it’s beyond the Pakistan Army’s capability to seize J&K, and as it has no other option but to wage as many as ten wars for this purpose and that too without the guarantee of any success.

Every prime minister and army chief of Pakistan has been feeding citizens with the highly addictive “Kashmir banega Pakistan” [Kashmir will become part of Pakistan] opiate to divert public attention from the humongous governance and military failures of the country’s army-run government.

Unfortunately for Pakistan, while its diplomatic offensive on Kashmir has made no headway, the army has an abysmal operational record of not one but three unsuccessful attempts to seize J&K. Under such adverse circumstances, both Islamabad and Rawalpindi have no other option but to raise the Kashmir issue at the drop of a hat, believing the assertion of Adolf Hitler’s Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels that “If you tell a lie big enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually come to believe it”!

Fight drug abuse in Jammu & Kashmir, eliminate narco-terrorism

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In Jammu and Kashmir, a silent war is being fought — and this war is to save the future of children and youth. The region is facing a serious drug crisis. More than 13.5 lakh people are using drugs, including about 1.68 lakh children between the ages of 10 and 17. This is not just a health problem; it is also linked to narco-terrorism, where drugs are used to harm society and create unrest.

Police officers say that parents play the most important role in saving their children from addiction. They are the first line of defence. The fight is difficult, but it can be won if families, communities, and authorities work together. Real change begins at home and grows through society. The situation is getting worse. Along with traditional drugs, many people are now misusing painkillers and other medicines like tapentadol and tramadol, and even animal drugs. These substances are cheaper, easy to get, and harder to detect.

De-addiction centres such as the Institute of Mental Health and Neurosciences (IMHANS) in Srinagar receive 5 to 10 new patients every day. Years of conflict, unemployment, and hopelessness have made young people more vulnerable to this problem. Parents are the strongest shield against drug abuse. A loving and understanding relationship between parents and children can protect them from drugs.

Parents should talk openly with their children about how drugs can destroy health, education, and family life. They should also look for warning signs like changes in friends, poor school performance, secretive behaviour, or sudden need for money. Simple daily habits like eating meals together, knowing your child’s friends, and spending time with them can make a big difference.

Children who feel loved and supported are less likely to fall into addiction. However, parents cannot fight this battle alone. Narco-terrorism is a much bigger threat, and drugs are being used to fund terrorism and destroy the social fabric of society. Everyone must come together to fight this menace. Schools and colleges should include lessons on mental health, awareness, and how to handle stress. Religious and community leaders should also talk about this issue in mosques, temples, and community centres. Training programs like those at IMHANS, where imams and scholars are taught to spread awareness, can help reduce stigma and guide people in the right direction.

Law enforcement must continue to take strict action against drug peddlers and smugglers, while the government should open more rehabilitation centres, especially for women who often suffer silently. Some data and comprehensive plans are required to fight this menace. We need clear data on where drugs are most common, who is affected, and which drugs are spreading fastest.

Regular surveys, hospital records, and police data should be used to map the hotspots. Based on this information, practical plans must be made, more and better rehabilitation centres, mobile treatment units for remote areas, targeted school programs, training for teachers, helplines, and support for families. Plans should also include job training and small business support so young people have lawful ways to earn a living. Women-only services and safe spaces must be part of every plan.

Coordination between health services, police, schools, religious bodies, and local communities is essential for these plans to work. The fight against drugs in Jammu and Kashmir is a fight for the soul of the region. The future of an entire generation is at stake. If we act now with compassion, clear data, and strong plans, we can save countless lives. For parents, your love, time, and guidance can save your child. For society, we must replace silence with awareness and judgment with understanding. Every child saved from drugs is a victory for the family, the community, and the nation.

Tehreek-e-Labbaik clashes with Pak ‘establishment’ in Lahore over ‘Gaza Deal’

Supporters of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), led by radical cleric Saad Hussain Rizvi, clashed with Pakistan’s Punjab Police near TLP headquarters in Lahore on Wednesday night ahead of their planned protest march towards the US Embassy in Islamabad. The confrontation quickly escalated into street battles when Pakistani forces made attempts to arrest Saad Rizvi with reports of injuries on both sides.

The Pakistani regime ordered police operation hours after TLP (Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan) announced its plan to stage a large protest outside the US Embassy in Islamabad after Friday prayers. TLP says this protest is against the ‘Gaza Deal’ and Pakistan’s alleged collusion with Israel. As this news spread Islamabad warned that any attempt to march towards the US Embassy would be prevented. The raid in Lahore’s Iqbal Town area was aimed at detaining Rizvi and dispersing preparations for the protest.

The Punjab Police launched a large-scale crackdown on TLP members, arresting dozens of workers and local leaders across Punjab. Police sources said this operation was aimed at preventing ‘unlawful gatherings and incitement to violence.’ Later when the police surrounded TLP headquarters and attempted to enter inside, intense clashes erupted. Eyewitness videos show groups of men running through smoke-filled streets, holding spent tear-gas shells and chanting slogans against police brutality. Police used tear gas and baton charges, while TLP activists retaliated with stones and metal rods.

Supporters of Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) have accused the “establishment” (euphemism for Pakistan Army) of recognising Israel and betraying the Palestinian cause under external pressure. TLP condemned, what it calls, state repression and religious persecution alleging that the police are targeting their families. Eyewitnesses and local activists reported that if TLP workers were not found at home, police raided residences and detained their female family members and even infants. The party’s spokesperson described these actions as “the worst form of state-sponsored terrorism,” vowing to continue their movement against “the establishment’s betrayal of Islam and the people of Palestine”. Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) is a hardline Barelvi Islamist group known for its street power and anti-Western rhetoric. TLP has frequently clashed with Pakistani law enforcement agencies over blasphemy-related issues and foreign policy matters.

TLP spokesmen accused police of “excessive use of force” and demanded the “immediate release of Saad Rizvi.” TLP representatives said negotiations with the Punjab government would only begin once Rizvi is freed.

Social media posts from TLP-affiliated pages claim that dozens of activists were injured and several arrested during raids on nearby residences. Police officials, meanwhile, stated that at least three constables were injured after being attacked by protesters wielding iron rods.

This latest confrontation follows a pattern of periodic clashes between TLP supporters and law enforcement, particularly in Lahore. In previous incidents — most notably in 2021 — TLP marches led to prolonged standoffs with police over issues related to blasphemy laws and diplomatic protests. The group’s leader, Saad Rizvi, was previously detained multiple times for organizing violent protests and blocking national highways. Human rights observers and political commentators have warned that the recurrent crackdowns on religious parties and dissenting voices reflect the Pakistan establishment’s growing intolerance of opposition, as the country faces mounting internal unrest and international pressure over its stance on the Middle East conflict.

As of Thursday morning, the Punjab Police have reinforced security around Lahore, and TLP supporters continue to mobilize online, calling for new demonstrations. The situation remains volatile in Lahore.

India refutes Pakistan’s disinformation campaign about Rajouri encounter

The Pakistan Army and its propaganda ecosystem ISPR (Inter Services Public Relations) are circulating false and misleading information regarding an alleged encounter and casualties in Rajouri, Jammu & Kashmir. India’s official sources have categorically clarified that no personnel have been martyred or injured. “No such incident as being claimed by Pakistan-based sources has occurred. The information being circulated is completely fabricated and aimed at spreading panic among locals and maligning India’s security forces,” said a senior Indian government official. He further added that citizens are advised to trust only official updates from the Indian Army or government agencies and to avoid sharing unverified claims pushed by hostile propaganda accounts.

Pakistan’s attempt to distort facts and mislead people reflects its habitual disinformation campaign against India to divert the attention from Pakistan Amry’s atrocities on Baloch, Pashtun and Sindhis and to deflect the international media from reporting about extrajudicial killings of innocent civilians and the extensive losses faced by them. Such psychological warfare tactics will not succeed.

Develop tourism in Poonch and Rajouri, it will boost security, economy

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Border areas of Jammu and Kashmir have always been known for their courage, sacrifice, and strategic importance. But today, these regions are also becoming symbols of peace and development through border tourism. This idea is helping people see border villages not as conflict zones, but as places of heritage, culture, and pride. It is also creating jobs and opportunities for people who live near the Line of Control and International Border. A good example of this change is Kaman Post in Uri, located in North Kashmir’s Baramulla district. Once known only as a military post, it became famous when the Srinagar–Muzaffarabad Bus Service was launched on 7 April 2005, allowing divided families to meet for the first time in decades.

The then Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh and the then Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed flagged off this historic bus from Srinagar. The route passed through Kaman Aman Setu, also known as the Bridge of Peace, turning the location into a symbol of hope and dialogue. After cross-border travel was suspended in 2018, Kaman Post was closed to the general public. However, in 2023, the Indian army reopened Kaman Post for tourists, transforming it into a place of patriotic tourism and local pride.

The Indian army developed a museum displaying historic weapons, photographs, and cultural artifacts. In June 2025, a mini auditorium named “Kaman Talkies” was inaugurated by senior army officers to host documentaries and cultural programs. By then, more than 50,000 tourists had already visited the site, bringing new life to Uri’s local markets, tea stalls, and handicraft shops. A 50-foot-high national flag now proudly stands at the post, symbolizing peace, resilience, and unity.

On the southern side of Jammu and Kashmir, another successful model of border tourism can be seen at Suchetgarh, located near RS Pura in Jammu district. This area was opened for border tourism in July 2016, when the Jammu and Kashmir Government developed the Octroi Post as a tourist site. Later, on 2 October 2021, the Lieutenant Governor of Jammu and Kashmir, Manoj Sinha, formally inaugurated the BSF Retreat Ceremony at Suchetgarh Border a patriotic event similar to the popular Wagah Attari ceremony. Since then, hundreds of people visit every weekend to witness the flag-lowering parade, patriotic performances, and explore nearby heritage structures.

The Tourism Department of Jammu has developed Suchetgarh with better roads, parking areas, viewing galleries, cafes, gardens, and sanitation facilities. Local self-help groups and youth have been encouraged to sell traditional food, crafts, and local products to visitors. These activities have helped border families earn additional income and created new jobs in guiding, transport, and hospitality. Suchetgarh has now become one of Jammu’s most loved tourist attractions, blending patriotism, culture, and rural charm.

Along with these initiatives, the Kargil War Memorial in Dras, Ladakh, stands as a powerful example of how military heritage sites contribute to tourism and national pride. Built by the Indian army after the 1999 Kargil War, the memorial honours the brave soldiers who laid down their lives during Operation Vijay. Set against the backdrop of the Tololing Heights and Tiger Hill where fierce battles were fought, the sandstone wall of the memorial bears the names of the Bravehearts. A towering national flag inspires deep emotion and respect among visitors. Every year, thousands of tourists and students visit this sacred site, especially on Kargil Vijay Diwas (26th July), to pay tribute to the heroes who secured our nation’s victory. The memorial serves as a living classroom of patriotism, reminding every Indian that freedom and peace come at a great cost.

Another inspiring example is Teetwal village, located in the Kupwara district of North Kashmir, on the banks of the Kishanganga River along the Line of Control. Once known mainly for cross-border tensions, Teetwal has now become a symbol of peace and hope. The Indian army and local administration have jointly worked to reopen it for tourists, making it a new stop on the border tourism map of Jammu and Kashmir. The Kishanganga Bridge connects both sides of the valley and serves as a reminder of shared heritage and divided families.

The recent restoration of the Sharda Temple and development of the Sharda Peeth Corridor have added religious and cultural importance to the area, attracting pilgrims and visitors from across India. With its serene landscape, river views, and the warm hospitality of locals, Teetwal stands as a model of how border villages can move from being conflict points to gateways of peace, culture, and development.

When tourists visit these areas, they spend on food, transport, souvenirs, and accommodation, which directly benefits local villagers. Tourism also leads to better infrastructure roads are repaired, electricity and internet services improve, and new community spaces are created. It provides young people with employment opportunities close to home, reducing migration to cities and encouraging them to become local entrepreneurs. This same model should now be extended to Rajouri and Poonch, two border districts with a rich history, natural beauty, and courageous people. The region has everything needed to attract visitors green valleys, rivers, waterfalls, forts,Shrines and temples.

If places like Poonch Fort, Chakan Da Bagh, Nangi Tekri, Krishna Ghati, Balakote, and Nowshera Sector are developed as safe tourism zones, they could draw both domestic and international tourists. The Indian army already enjoys great respect in Rajouri and Poonch for protecting borders and helping civilians during floods, snowstorms, and other emergencies. Developing border tourism here would strengthen this bond even more. The Army can set up viewing points, museums, and cafes managed by local youth. Cultural events, food festivals, and sports tournaments can also be organized to make these areas vibrant centres of peace tourism.

Border tourism not only strengthens the economy but also changes perceptions. It shows that border districts are not just frontlines of defence but gateways of peace, heritage, and opportunity. Visitors get to see the courage of soldiers and the resilience of local people, while the communities benefit from economic growth and recognition. If the successful models of Kaman Post and Suchetgarh are replicated in Rajouri and Poonch, thousands of families could benefit. Roads, hotels, homestays, handicraft shops, and restaurants will grow around such projects. Most importantly, it will give the youth of these border areas a new sense of pride, identity, and purpose.

The vision of border tourism is simple to turn lines of division into lines of connection. When people travel to these frontiers and witness the bravery of soldiers and the warmth of border communities, they return with stronger respect for both. Kaman Post, Suchetgarh, Teetwal, and the Kargil War Memorial have already shown what is possible. Now it is time for Rajouri and Poonch to become the next chapters in this inspiring story of peace, progress, and national pride.

Deal Signed in Blood: How Pakistani ‘establishment’ silenced PoJK’s uprising

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On the 3rd of October 2025, Pakistan once again showcased its art of deception through what it called an “agreement” with the Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC) of Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoJK). The document, signed at the Pearl Continental Hotel in Muzaffarabad by federal ministers, AJK representatives, and members of JAAC, has been projected as a breakthrough to end weeks of unrest. However, the so-called compromise was signed under intimidation, amid heavy deployment of Rangers and federal security forces, after the killing of 19 unarmed protesters across Muzaffarabad, Dadyal, Dhirkot, and Mirpur.

What Pakistan is celebrating as peace, in reality is a forced surrender extracted under duress. For weeks, people in PoJK had risen against skyrocketing electricity prices, withdrawal of food subsidies, corruption, and Islamabad’s continued political interference through the refugee quota system in the Assembly. Their demands were clear, their movement peaceful, and their leadership determined that no negotiation would be accepted without official notification and full acceptance of all 38 demands. But after blood was spilled and the state’s machinery turned violent, the leadership was cornered, coerced, and made to settle for partial promises on paper.

Out of 38 demands, Islamabad accepted only 21, leaving aside the core issues that had sparked the movement. The most sensitive among these ignored issues is the demand to abolish the 12 reserved refugee seats in the PoJK Assembly a system through which Islamabad manipulates the local legislature using non-resident members who owe allegiance to Pakistani ‘establishment’ rather than to the people of the region.

Instead of abolishing this colonial mechanism, the agreement managed by the Pakistanis merely forms a six-member committee to “deliberate” on the issue, providing no assurance or time frame for reform. The second major unfulfilled commitment relates to subsidies on essential commodities such as wheat, rice, and pulses, which had been among the key reasons for the uprising. The agreement fails to restore these subsidies, only mentioning future consultations–a classic bureaucratic tactic of delay and deflection that Islamabad has used for decades to exhaust public movements.

Perhaps, the most heart-breaking element of this so-called compromise is its approach to justice. After the brutal killings of protesters, the Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC) had demanded suspension and prosecution of responsible officers, particularly the SP of Muzaffarabad. Instead of accountability, the state has only announced the monetary compensation of ten lakh rupees per deceased person, ten lakh per injured, and government jobs for one family member of each victim. This transactional approach treats human lives as commodities, as if the blood of innocent citizens can be washed away with currency notes and employment letters. The absence of any mention of disciplinary action or criminal proceedings against those responsible for the killings exposes the moral bankruptcy of Islamabad’s intentions.

The rest of the document is filled with token promises and vague assurances reducing cabinet size, merging departments, conducting feasibility studies for tunnels and airports, aligning educational boards, and setting up committees to “deliberate” on various matters. These bureaucratic exercises are not the reforms the people demanded. They are cosmetic adjustments meant to create the illusion of responsiveness while maintaining the same structures of exploitation and control.

The agreement’s language is carefully crafted to avoid legal enforceability such that every promise is wrapped in terms like “will be considered,” “subject to consultation,” or “as per feasibility.” In essence, it is a script written to buy time, not to bring change.

This pattern of deceit is not new. Over the years, Pakistan has repeatedly used agreements and committees as instruments to suppress genuine movements in its occupied territories. In 2018, it promised AJK residents that hydel royalties and power tariff relief would be implemented within six months, but nothing materialized. In 2022, during the Mirpur electricity protests, Islamabad pledged to equalize power rates with Punjab; the notification was never issued. In 2023, the Gilgit-Baltistan wheat subsidy agitation was diffused by written assurances, only for the prices to rise again months later. Each of these betrayals follows the same pattern appease the public, defuse the movement, and later deny implementation.

The October 2025 Muzaffarabad agreement is merely the latest addition to this long list of betrayals. Adding insult to injury, a leaked WhatsApp directive from a senior Islamabad Police officer surfaced just days after the signing, instructing subordinates to frame residents of PoJK in fake cases and detain protest organizers under preventive laws. This revelation confirms what many feared from the start– that the so-called reconciliation was only a façade. The real agenda of the Pakistani establishment is to neutralize the leadership of the movement, arrest vocal activists, and create a climate of fear so that future uprisings are nipped in the bud.

It exposes the state’s deep-seated paranoia toward its own citizens and its unwillingness to tolerate dissent, even from people who are constitutionally under its administrative control. The hypocrisy of Pakistan’s conduct becomes even more glaring when viewed against its own domestic record. Across Balochistan, Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and Gilgit-Baltistan, Islamabad has followed the same script promise reforms, sign agreements, and then unleash security forces when people demand implementation.

In Balochistan, thousands have disappeared over decades of military operations while the region’s natural wealth continues to be looted. In Sindh, local voices are marginalized under federal dominance. In Gilgit-Baltistan, people continue to live without constitutional recognition despite repeated assurances. PoJK has now joined this tragic list, where the state’s instruments of violence are used to maintain control under the pretence of democracy.

The Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC) leadership that once called itself the voice of the oppressed has now lost the trust of the people. Only a day before the agreement, leaders like Shaukat Nawaz Mir and Sardar Umar Nazir had declared that no truce would be valid without official notification and complete acceptance of demands. Yet, within 24 hours, they were sitting across the table signing a document that leaves nearly half the demands unaddressed. Many within PoJK now see this as a betrayal of the martyrs and a surrender to Islamabad’s pressure. The protests may have paused, but the wounds have deepened, and the faith in leadership has eroded.

The Pakistani establishment has mastered the art of pacification to silence the crowd with promises, divide the leadership through incentives, and criminalize the rest through legal harassment. The formation of a “Monitoring and Implementation Committee” announced under the agreement is nothing but a bureaucratic smokescreen. Past committees formed for electricity, hydel royalties, and subsidy reviews have never met deadlines or achieved results. There is no reason to believe this one will be any different. In reality, such mechanisms are designed to drag issues indefinitely until public attention fades.

What Islamabad calls peace is the peace of suppression. The families of the dead are told to stay quiet for compensation; the injured are told to be grateful for promises; and the leadership is told to celebrate committees as victories. Yet the people of PoJK are no longer the same. They have seen the truth behind Pakistan’s slogans of solidarity. They have realized that their exploitation is not accidental but systematic, designed to keep the region politically dependent and economically subservient. The movement that erupted in 2025 may have been contained temporarily, but it has awakened a collective consciousness that will not be silenced by false settlements.

Pakistan’s deep state has used violence as a political tool not only in PoJK but across its geography. It has turned guns on its own people, justified repression in the name of national security, and refused to learn from its repeated failures. The world must now see the October 2025 agreement for what a truly tactical maneuverer by an insecure state is to escape accountability and retain control over an occupied territory. It is neither a solution nor a settlement, but a document of deceit.

The people of Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir demanded dignity, justice, and autonomy. In response, they received bullets, compensation, and committees. Those who lost their loved ones are told to move on, while those who dared to speak are now being targeted through fabricated charges. This is not reconciliation; it is coercion. The ink on the Muzaffarabad agreement may have dried, but the blood of innocent protesters remains fresh in the streets of Dadyal, Dhirkot, and Muzaffarabad. History will remember that Pakistan once again chose force over fairness, silence over truth, and betrayal over brotherhood. The people may have been forced into silence today, but that silence will echo tomorrow as a reminder of Pakistan’s failed promises and its continuing deceit toward the very people it claims to represent.