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Fight drug abuse in Jammu & Kashmir, eliminate narco-terrorism

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In Jammu and Kashmir, a silent war is being fought — and this war is to save the future of children and youth. The region is facing a serious drug crisis. More than 13.5 lakh people are using drugs, including about 1.68 lakh children between the ages of 10 and 17. This is not just a health problem; it is also linked to narco-terrorism, where drugs are used to harm society and create unrest.

Police officers say that parents play the most important role in saving their children from addiction. They are the first line of defence. The fight is difficult, but it can be won if families, communities, and authorities work together. Real change begins at home and grows through society. The situation is getting worse. Along with traditional drugs, many people are now misusing painkillers and other medicines like tapentadol and tramadol, and even animal drugs. These substances are cheaper, easy to get, and harder to detect.

De-addiction centres such as the Institute of Mental Health and Neurosciences (IMHANS) in Srinagar receive 5 to 10 new patients every day. Years of conflict, unemployment, and hopelessness have made young people more vulnerable to this problem. Parents are the strongest shield against drug abuse. A loving and understanding relationship between parents and children can protect them from drugs.

Parents should talk openly with their children about how drugs can destroy health, education, and family life. They should also look for warning signs like changes in friends, poor school performance, secretive behaviour, or sudden need for money. Simple daily habits like eating meals together, knowing your child’s friends, and spending time with them can make a big difference.

Children who feel loved and supported are less likely to fall into addiction. However, parents cannot fight this battle alone. Narco-terrorism is a much bigger threat, and drugs are being used to fund terrorism and destroy the social fabric of society. Everyone must come together to fight this menace. Schools and colleges should include lessons on mental health, awareness, and how to handle stress. Religious and community leaders should also talk about this issue in mosques, temples, and community centres. Training programs like those at IMHANS, where imams and scholars are taught to spread awareness, can help reduce stigma and guide people in the right direction.

Law enforcement must continue to take strict action against drug peddlers and smugglers, while the government should open more rehabilitation centres, especially for women who often suffer silently. Some data and comprehensive plans are required to fight this menace. We need clear data on where drugs are most common, who is affected, and which drugs are spreading fastest.

Regular surveys, hospital records, and police data should be used to map the hotspots. Based on this information, practical plans must be made, more and better rehabilitation centres, mobile treatment units for remote areas, targeted school programs, training for teachers, helplines, and support for families. Plans should also include job training and small business support so young people have lawful ways to earn a living. Women-only services and safe spaces must be part of every plan.

Coordination between health services, police, schools, religious bodies, and local communities is essential for these plans to work. The fight against drugs in Jammu and Kashmir is a fight for the soul of the region. The future of an entire generation is at stake. If we act now with compassion, clear data, and strong plans, we can save countless lives. For parents, your love, time, and guidance can save your child. For society, we must replace silence with awareness and judgment with understanding. Every child saved from drugs is a victory for the family, the community, and the nation.

Tehreek-e-Labbaik clashes with Pak ‘establishment’ in Lahore over ‘Gaza Deal’

Supporters of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), led by radical cleric Saad Hussain Rizvi, clashed with Pakistan’s Punjab Police near TLP headquarters in Lahore on Wednesday night ahead of their planned protest march towards the US Embassy in Islamabad. The confrontation quickly escalated into street battles when Pakistani forces made attempts to arrest Saad Rizvi with reports of injuries on both sides.

The Pakistani regime ordered police operation hours after TLP (Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan) announced its plan to stage a large protest outside the US Embassy in Islamabad after Friday prayers. TLP says this protest is against the ‘Gaza Deal’ and Pakistan’s alleged collusion with Israel. As this news spread Islamabad warned that any attempt to march towards the US Embassy would be prevented. The raid in Lahore’s Iqbal Town area was aimed at detaining Rizvi and dispersing preparations for the protest.

The Punjab Police launched a large-scale crackdown on TLP members, arresting dozens of workers and local leaders across Punjab. Police sources said this operation was aimed at preventing ‘unlawful gatherings and incitement to violence.’ Later when the police surrounded TLP headquarters and attempted to enter inside, intense clashes erupted. Eyewitness videos show groups of men running through smoke-filled streets, holding spent tear-gas shells and chanting slogans against police brutality. Police used tear gas and baton charges, while TLP activists retaliated with stones and metal rods.

Supporters of Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) have accused the “establishment” (euphemism for Pakistan Army) of recognising Israel and betraying the Palestinian cause under external pressure. TLP condemned, what it calls, state repression and religious persecution alleging that the police are targeting their families. Eyewitnesses and local activists reported that if TLP workers were not found at home, police raided residences and detained their female family members and even infants. The party’s spokesperson described these actions as “the worst form of state-sponsored terrorism,” vowing to continue their movement against “the establishment’s betrayal of Islam and the people of Palestine”. Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) is a hardline Barelvi Islamist group known for its street power and anti-Western rhetoric. TLP has frequently clashed with Pakistani law enforcement agencies over blasphemy-related issues and foreign policy matters.

TLP spokesmen accused police of “excessive use of force” and demanded the “immediate release of Saad Rizvi.” TLP representatives said negotiations with the Punjab government would only begin once Rizvi is freed.

Social media posts from TLP-affiliated pages claim that dozens of activists were injured and several arrested during raids on nearby residences. Police officials, meanwhile, stated that at least three constables were injured after being attacked by protesters wielding iron rods.

This latest confrontation follows a pattern of periodic clashes between TLP supporters and law enforcement, particularly in Lahore. In previous incidents — most notably in 2021 — TLP marches led to prolonged standoffs with police over issues related to blasphemy laws and diplomatic protests. The group’s leader, Saad Rizvi, was previously detained multiple times for organizing violent protests and blocking national highways. Human rights observers and political commentators have warned that the recurrent crackdowns on religious parties and dissenting voices reflect the Pakistan establishment’s growing intolerance of opposition, as the country faces mounting internal unrest and international pressure over its stance on the Middle East conflict.

As of Thursday morning, the Punjab Police have reinforced security around Lahore, and TLP supporters continue to mobilize online, calling for new demonstrations. The situation remains volatile in Lahore.

India refutes Pakistan’s disinformation campaign about Rajouri encounter

The Pakistan Army and its propaganda ecosystem ISPR (Inter Services Public Relations) are circulating false and misleading information regarding an alleged encounter and casualties in Rajouri, Jammu & Kashmir. India’s official sources have categorically clarified that no personnel have been martyred or injured. “No such incident as being claimed by Pakistan-based sources has occurred. The information being circulated is completely fabricated and aimed at spreading panic among locals and maligning India’s security forces,” said a senior Indian government official. He further added that citizens are advised to trust only official updates from the Indian Army or government agencies and to avoid sharing unverified claims pushed by hostile propaganda accounts.

Pakistan’s attempt to distort facts and mislead people reflects its habitual disinformation campaign against India to divert the attention from Pakistan Amry’s atrocities on Baloch, Pashtun and Sindhis and to deflect the international media from reporting about extrajudicial killings of innocent civilians and the extensive losses faced by them. Such psychological warfare tactics will not succeed.

Develop tourism in Poonch and Rajouri, it will boost security, economy

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Border areas of Jammu and Kashmir have always been known for their courage, sacrifice, and strategic importance. But today, these regions are also becoming symbols of peace and development through border tourism. This idea is helping people see border villages not as conflict zones, but as places of heritage, culture, and pride. It is also creating jobs and opportunities for people who live near the Line of Control and International Border. A good example of this change is Kaman Post in Uri, located in North Kashmir’s Baramulla district. Once known only as a military post, it became famous when the Srinagar–Muzaffarabad Bus Service was launched on 7 April 2005, allowing divided families to meet for the first time in decades.

The then Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh and the then Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed flagged off this historic bus from Srinagar. The route passed through Kaman Aman Setu, also known as the Bridge of Peace, turning the location into a symbol of hope and dialogue. After cross-border travel was suspended in 2018, Kaman Post was closed to the general public. However, in 2023, the Indian army reopened Kaman Post for tourists, transforming it into a place of patriotic tourism and local pride.

The Indian army developed a museum displaying historic weapons, photographs, and cultural artifacts. In June 2025, a mini auditorium named “Kaman Talkies” was inaugurated by senior army officers to host documentaries and cultural programs. By then, more than 50,000 tourists had already visited the site, bringing new life to Uri’s local markets, tea stalls, and handicraft shops. A 50-foot-high national flag now proudly stands at the post, symbolizing peace, resilience, and unity.

On the southern side of Jammu and Kashmir, another successful model of border tourism can be seen at Suchetgarh, located near RS Pura in Jammu district. This area was opened for border tourism in July 2016, when the Jammu and Kashmir Government developed the Octroi Post as a tourist site. Later, on 2 October 2021, the Lieutenant Governor of Jammu and Kashmir, Manoj Sinha, formally inaugurated the BSF Retreat Ceremony at Suchetgarh Border a patriotic event similar to the popular Wagah Attari ceremony. Since then, hundreds of people visit every weekend to witness the flag-lowering parade, patriotic performances, and explore nearby heritage structures.

The Tourism Department of Jammu has developed Suchetgarh with better roads, parking areas, viewing galleries, cafes, gardens, and sanitation facilities. Local self-help groups and youth have been encouraged to sell traditional food, crafts, and local products to visitors. These activities have helped border families earn additional income and created new jobs in guiding, transport, and hospitality. Suchetgarh has now become one of Jammu’s most loved tourist attractions, blending patriotism, culture, and rural charm.

Along with these initiatives, the Kargil War Memorial in Dras, Ladakh, stands as a powerful example of how military heritage sites contribute to tourism and national pride. Built by the Indian army after the 1999 Kargil War, the memorial honours the brave soldiers who laid down their lives during Operation Vijay. Set against the backdrop of the Tololing Heights and Tiger Hill where fierce battles were fought, the sandstone wall of the memorial bears the names of the Bravehearts. A towering national flag inspires deep emotion and respect among visitors. Every year, thousands of tourists and students visit this sacred site, especially on Kargil Vijay Diwas (26th July), to pay tribute to the heroes who secured our nation’s victory. The memorial serves as a living classroom of patriotism, reminding every Indian that freedom and peace come at a great cost.

Another inspiring example is Teetwal village, located in the Kupwara district of North Kashmir, on the banks of the Kishanganga River along the Line of Control. Once known mainly for cross-border tensions, Teetwal has now become a symbol of peace and hope. The Indian army and local administration have jointly worked to reopen it for tourists, making it a new stop on the border tourism map of Jammu and Kashmir. The Kishanganga Bridge connects both sides of the valley and serves as a reminder of shared heritage and divided families.

The recent restoration of the Sharda Temple and development of the Sharda Peeth Corridor have added religious and cultural importance to the area, attracting pilgrims and visitors from across India. With its serene landscape, river views, and the warm hospitality of locals, Teetwal stands as a model of how border villages can move from being conflict points to gateways of peace, culture, and development.

When tourists visit these areas, they spend on food, transport, souvenirs, and accommodation, which directly benefits local villagers. Tourism also leads to better infrastructure roads are repaired, electricity and internet services improve, and new community spaces are created. It provides young people with employment opportunities close to home, reducing migration to cities and encouraging them to become local entrepreneurs. This same model should now be extended to Rajouri and Poonch, two border districts with a rich history, natural beauty, and courageous people. The region has everything needed to attract visitors green valleys, rivers, waterfalls, forts,Shrines and temples.

If places like Poonch Fort, Chakan Da Bagh, Nangi Tekri, Krishna Ghati, Balakote, and Nowshera Sector are developed as safe tourism zones, they could draw both domestic and international tourists. The Indian army already enjoys great respect in Rajouri and Poonch for protecting borders and helping civilians during floods, snowstorms, and other emergencies. Developing border tourism here would strengthen this bond even more. The Army can set up viewing points, museums, and cafes managed by local youth. Cultural events, food festivals, and sports tournaments can also be organized to make these areas vibrant centres of peace tourism.

Border tourism not only strengthens the economy but also changes perceptions. It shows that border districts are not just frontlines of defence but gateways of peace, heritage, and opportunity. Visitors get to see the courage of soldiers and the resilience of local people, while the communities benefit from economic growth and recognition. If the successful models of Kaman Post and Suchetgarh are replicated in Rajouri and Poonch, thousands of families could benefit. Roads, hotels, homestays, handicraft shops, and restaurants will grow around such projects. Most importantly, it will give the youth of these border areas a new sense of pride, identity, and purpose.

The vision of border tourism is simple to turn lines of division into lines of connection. When people travel to these frontiers and witness the bravery of soldiers and the warmth of border communities, they return with stronger respect for both. Kaman Post, Suchetgarh, Teetwal, and the Kargil War Memorial have already shown what is possible. Now it is time for Rajouri and Poonch to become the next chapters in this inspiring story of peace, progress, and national pride.

Deal Signed in Blood: How Pakistani ‘establishment’ silenced PoJK’s uprising

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On the 3rd of October 2025, Pakistan once again showcased its art of deception through what it called an “agreement” with the Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC) of Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoJK). The document, signed at the Pearl Continental Hotel in Muzaffarabad by federal ministers, AJK representatives, and members of JAAC, has been projected as a breakthrough to end weeks of unrest. However, the so-called compromise was signed under intimidation, amid heavy deployment of Rangers and federal security forces, after the killing of 19 unarmed protesters across Muzaffarabad, Dadyal, Dhirkot, and Mirpur.

What Pakistan is celebrating as peace, in reality is a forced surrender extracted under duress. For weeks, people in PoJK had risen against skyrocketing electricity prices, withdrawal of food subsidies, corruption, and Islamabad’s continued political interference through the refugee quota system in the Assembly. Their demands were clear, their movement peaceful, and their leadership determined that no negotiation would be accepted without official notification and full acceptance of all 38 demands. But after blood was spilled and the state’s machinery turned violent, the leadership was cornered, coerced, and made to settle for partial promises on paper.

Out of 38 demands, Islamabad accepted only 21, leaving aside the core issues that had sparked the movement. The most sensitive among these ignored issues is the demand to abolish the 12 reserved refugee seats in the PoJK Assembly a system through which Islamabad manipulates the local legislature using non-resident members who owe allegiance to Pakistani ‘establishment’ rather than to the people of the region.

Instead of abolishing this colonial mechanism, the agreement managed by the Pakistanis merely forms a six-member committee to “deliberate” on the issue, providing no assurance or time frame for reform. The second major unfulfilled commitment relates to subsidies on essential commodities such as wheat, rice, and pulses, which had been among the key reasons for the uprising. The agreement fails to restore these subsidies, only mentioning future consultations–a classic bureaucratic tactic of delay and deflection that Islamabad has used for decades to exhaust public movements.

Perhaps, the most heart-breaking element of this so-called compromise is its approach to justice. After the brutal killings of protesters, the Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC) had demanded suspension and prosecution of responsible officers, particularly the SP of Muzaffarabad. Instead of accountability, the state has only announced the monetary compensation of ten lakh rupees per deceased person, ten lakh per injured, and government jobs for one family member of each victim. This transactional approach treats human lives as commodities, as if the blood of innocent citizens can be washed away with currency notes and employment letters. The absence of any mention of disciplinary action or criminal proceedings against those responsible for the killings exposes the moral bankruptcy of Islamabad’s intentions.

The rest of the document is filled with token promises and vague assurances reducing cabinet size, merging departments, conducting feasibility studies for tunnels and airports, aligning educational boards, and setting up committees to “deliberate” on various matters. These bureaucratic exercises are not the reforms the people demanded. They are cosmetic adjustments meant to create the illusion of responsiveness while maintaining the same structures of exploitation and control.

The agreement’s language is carefully crafted to avoid legal enforceability such that every promise is wrapped in terms like “will be considered,” “subject to consultation,” or “as per feasibility.” In essence, it is a script written to buy time, not to bring change.

This pattern of deceit is not new. Over the years, Pakistan has repeatedly used agreements and committees as instruments to suppress genuine movements in its occupied territories. In 2018, it promised AJK residents that hydel royalties and power tariff relief would be implemented within six months, but nothing materialized. In 2022, during the Mirpur electricity protests, Islamabad pledged to equalize power rates with Punjab; the notification was never issued. In 2023, the Gilgit-Baltistan wheat subsidy agitation was diffused by written assurances, only for the prices to rise again months later. Each of these betrayals follows the same pattern appease the public, defuse the movement, and later deny implementation.

The October 2025 Muzaffarabad agreement is merely the latest addition to this long list of betrayals. Adding insult to injury, a leaked WhatsApp directive from a senior Islamabad Police officer surfaced just days after the signing, instructing subordinates to frame residents of PoJK in fake cases and detain protest organizers under preventive laws. This revelation confirms what many feared from the start– that the so-called reconciliation was only a façade. The real agenda of the Pakistani establishment is to neutralize the leadership of the movement, arrest vocal activists, and create a climate of fear so that future uprisings are nipped in the bud.

It exposes the state’s deep-seated paranoia toward its own citizens and its unwillingness to tolerate dissent, even from people who are constitutionally under its administrative control. The hypocrisy of Pakistan’s conduct becomes even more glaring when viewed against its own domestic record. Across Balochistan, Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and Gilgit-Baltistan, Islamabad has followed the same script promise reforms, sign agreements, and then unleash security forces when people demand implementation.

In Balochistan, thousands have disappeared over decades of military operations while the region’s natural wealth continues to be looted. In Sindh, local voices are marginalized under federal dominance. In Gilgit-Baltistan, people continue to live without constitutional recognition despite repeated assurances. PoJK has now joined this tragic list, where the state’s instruments of violence are used to maintain control under the pretence of democracy.

The Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC) leadership that once called itself the voice of the oppressed has now lost the trust of the people. Only a day before the agreement, leaders like Shaukat Nawaz Mir and Sardar Umar Nazir had declared that no truce would be valid without official notification and complete acceptance of demands. Yet, within 24 hours, they were sitting across the table signing a document that leaves nearly half the demands unaddressed. Many within PoJK now see this as a betrayal of the martyrs and a surrender to Islamabad’s pressure. The protests may have paused, but the wounds have deepened, and the faith in leadership has eroded.

The Pakistani establishment has mastered the art of pacification to silence the crowd with promises, divide the leadership through incentives, and criminalize the rest through legal harassment. The formation of a “Monitoring and Implementation Committee” announced under the agreement is nothing but a bureaucratic smokescreen. Past committees formed for electricity, hydel royalties, and subsidy reviews have never met deadlines or achieved results. There is no reason to believe this one will be any different. In reality, such mechanisms are designed to drag issues indefinitely until public attention fades.

What Islamabad calls peace is the peace of suppression. The families of the dead are told to stay quiet for compensation; the injured are told to be grateful for promises; and the leadership is told to celebrate committees as victories. Yet the people of PoJK are no longer the same. They have seen the truth behind Pakistan’s slogans of solidarity. They have realized that their exploitation is not accidental but systematic, designed to keep the region politically dependent and economically subservient. The movement that erupted in 2025 may have been contained temporarily, but it has awakened a collective consciousness that will not be silenced by false settlements.

Pakistan’s deep state has used violence as a political tool not only in PoJK but across its geography. It has turned guns on its own people, justified repression in the name of national security, and refused to learn from its repeated failures. The world must now see the October 2025 agreement for what a truly tactical maneuverer by an insecure state is to escape accountability and retain control over an occupied territory. It is neither a solution nor a settlement, but a document of deceit.

The people of Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir demanded dignity, justice, and autonomy. In response, they received bullets, compensation, and committees. Those who lost their loved ones are told to move on, while those who dared to speak are now being targeted through fabricated charges. This is not reconciliation; it is coercion. The ink on the Muzaffarabad agreement may have dried, but the blood of innocent protesters remains fresh in the streets of Dadyal, Dhirkot, and Muzaffarabad. History will remember that Pakistan once again chose force over fairness, silence over truth, and betrayal over brotherhood. The people may have been forced into silence today, but that silence will echo tomorrow as a reminder of Pakistan’s failed promises and its continuing deceit toward the very people it claims to represent.

POJK Kashmiris protesting against Pakistan Army, Why?

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It couldn’t have been more ironical. Just days after Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif used the United Nations General Assembly [UNGA] podium to make allegations of “Indian tyranny” in Kashmir, in a barefaced show of brute force, Pakistani forces fired indiscriminately on protesters in Pakistan occupied Jammu and Kashmir [PoJK] killing a dozen and seriously injuring several others.

This public agitation across POJK is in response to a shutdown (chakka-jam) call given by the Jammu and Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee [JKJAAC] to protest against the government’s failure to fulfil its grand promises of undertaking structural reforms, providing subsidies and ending the extravagant institutionalized privileges being enjoyed by a select elite section of society that serves as the lackey of the government. That the Jammu and Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JKJAAC) has put across a charter with 38 long-outstanding basic demands gives a fair idea of the abysmal state in which people of PoJK are living and the massive turnout of protesters.

This protest has evoked tremendous public response for two reasons. One, it addresses the very basic and legitimate demands of the marginalised people of PoJK. Two, JKJAAC, which is spearheading this agitation is not a political group but comprises a coalition of grass root level members of society like traders, transporters, lawyers and students-people who genuinely identify with the masses.

The unfortunate part is that the current protests are not the result of some spontaneous incitement but due to unpardonable institutional failure. During May last year, the Jammu and Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JKJAAC) launched protests across PoJK demanding restoration of subsidies for wheat and electricity in which at least three protesters were killed by the Pakistani forces.

Rather than addressing the core issues and eradicating the root causes of public angst, Islamabad, as is its wont, went in for a ‘quick fix’, dishing out Rs 2,300 crore to subsidise flour prices as well as reduce domestic and commercial electricity tariffs. PoJK Premier Chaudhary Anwarul Haq declared that this would be a “permanent arrangement” for which requisite provision would be incorporated in the federal budget for 2024-25.

Though it was a classic case of a naked man offering the people of PoJK his shirt, JKJAAC called off the protests in good faith and probably Islamabad thought that it had surmounted this crisis. What the government didn’t realise is that this was one of the few mass movements in Pakistan that despite being apolitical in nature had the backing of a cross section of local political parties, rights groups and above all, it enjoyed overwhelming public support.

Islamabad projects PoJK residents as a happy and extremely content lot and to support its incredulous claim, it has even named PoJK ‘Azad [free] Jammu and Kashmir’ even though its citizens are denied freedom of expression, which is unquestionably the basic and non-negotiable ingredient of freedom.

With Article 7(3) of PoJK constitution decreeing that “No person or political party in Azad Jammu and Kashmir [PoJK] shall be permitted to propagate against, or take part in activities prejudicial or detrimental to, the ideology of the State’s accession to Pakistan,” isn’t calling PoJK ‘Azad Kashmir’ a cruel joke on its hapless people?

Being denied their fundamental right to freedom of speech isn’t the only woe bedevilling PoJK residents. They are also being subjected to barefaced discrimination and being treated as second class citizens. An example is the partisan way Islamabad has gone back on its assurance of supplying free electricity to the entire PoJK region and complimentary clean water to Mirpur city-a commitment made by the government of Pakistan during construction of Mangla dam in PoJK’s Mirpur district.

As Mangla dam produces a whopping 4,000 MW of electricity while the power requirement of this region is a meagre 350 MW, providing this miniscule amount of free electricity to the people of POJK is no big deal. Yet, in 2013, Islamabad reneged on its commitment by unilaterally ending the subsidy on electricity in PoJK.

But exploitation of PoJK residents doesn’t end here. Muzaffarabad based political activist Zahid Mughal, reveals that “Pakistan is buying electricity from us at the rate of Rs 1.5 per unit [and] it again sells it to us at the high rate of Rs 52 per unit.” He complains that when people of PoJK “requested Pakistan to provide the electricity at the same rate, they started calling us traitors.” And this is where the real problem starts.

Though unproven, the very mention of “traitors” is what brings Rawalpindi into the scene and it has been operating behind the scenes, doing what it is best at-disappearing those suspected of being “traitors”. Defence of Human Rights [DHR], a reputed Pakistani non-governmental organisation in its 2023 report has revealed that PoJK recorded 20 enforced disappearances during that year.

Out of these, while 17 individuals who were abducted by the Pakistan Army were subsequently released by its intelligence operatives and law enforcement agencies, two persons, though traced, continue to remain in illegal confinement, while one individual has been the victim of extrajudicial execution. 

PoJK is under the tight grip of the Pakistan Army which will ensure that it makes examples of those whom it perceives to be “traitors” and its high highhandedness has definitely heightened anti-establishment sentiments amongst the masses. And several amateur videos in which protesters can be heard raising anti army slogans like “Yeh jo dahshatgardi hai, iske piche wardi hai” (it’s the uniform [Pakistan Army] that’s behind the ongoing terrorism), endorses this assessment.

In the wake of the 2024 Jammu and Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JKJAAC) protests, Pakistan’s Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi had stated that Islamabad has evidence of a “neighbouring country” inciting these protests but provided no evidence to support his allegation. However, this has given Rawalpindi the necessary excuse for using uninhibited use of force to crush dissent.

And the whopping four-fold increase in protester fatalities in the ongoing agitation when compared with last year’s protests, reveal the unbridled animosity of Punjabi dominated Pakistani security towards the people of PoJK. Furthermore, by encouraging fringe groups to oppose the Jammu and Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JKJAAC) protests by taking to the streets in an attempt to conjure a counter narrative in its support Rawalpindi is only adding fuel to fire.

Considering the unprecedented surge in violence levels both in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa [KP] as well as Balochistan and the Pakistan Army’s failure to decisively defeat the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and armed groups resisting Pakistani military occupation in Balochistan, and now widespread protests in PoJK, it’s obvious that Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, who claims being ordained by God to be “protector of the country,” is certainly not discharging his divine responsibility effectively.

Just feeding the domestic audience with a heady concoction of cherry-picked religious edicts liberally infused with ultra nationalism won’t do. And neither will the announcement of a pejorative moniker to portray Jammu and Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JKJAAC) as an anti-Islamic organisation working at the behest of a ‘Hindu’ India, help. It would definitely do the newly promoted Field Marshal a lot of good if rather than blaming India for everything going wrong in Pakistan, he puts his own house in order instead! 

Why has Pakistan Army launched an undeclared War against Pashtuns?

Though public protests against lack of civic facilities, scarcity of essential goods, rising unemployment and inflation are commonplace in Pakistan, but what spurred widespread agitations in the Dir, Waziristan and Swat districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa [KP] in August 2022 wasn’t due to any of these reasons. The locals had taken to the streets with an unusual complaint that the government and army weren’t doing anything to curb the growing presence of armed fighters of the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan [TTP] ‘terrorist’ group.

Unchecked influx of TTP fighters assumed such gargantuan proportions that it even came up for discussion in the National Assembly and Pakistan’s defence minister Khawaja Asif was forced to acknowledge the significant presence of TTP fighters in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Since this restive province has been the traditional stronghold of this terrorist group, public resentment against TTP was indeed a blessing in disguise for the Pakistan Army as it created ideal conditions for launching a concerted operation against TTP to decimate this terrorist group.

However, despite abundant physical evidence that buttressed this dangerous development, Rawalpindi thought otherwise. Director General [DG] of Pakistan Army’s media wing Inter Services Public Relations [ISPR] Maj Gen Asif Ghafoor not only dismissed reports of TTP presence in KP as “a misperception” created on social media but even went on to add that “After confirmation on ground, these reports have been found as grossly exaggerated and misleading.” In short, Rawalpindi held that while the law makers and locals were wrong, it was the Pakistan Army that was [like it always claims] right!

And in an obvious attempt to downplay the facts readily available in public domain, DG-ISPR admitted that “presence of a small number of armed men on a few mountain tops between Swat and Dir has been observed, located far away from the population.” What the Pakistan Army didn’t care to explain was why were armed men allowed to settle down on “a few mountain tops” in the first place? Some say that the army had taken it for granted that as these armed people were “located far away from populated areas,” they were no threat to locals.

Isn’t it surprising that even though the Pakistani defence minister called influx of TTP terrorists into Khyber Pakhtunkhwa a “national issue,” the army took no cognizance of his genuine concern. So it’s no big surprise that the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan [HRCP] pulled up Rawalpindi for shamefully abdicating its constitutional responsibilities by maintaining that “Swat’s residents are right to hold the security forces responsible for failing to enforce the writ of the state.”

But the real reason for Rawalpindi’s unpardonable apathy lay elsewhere-the Pakistan Army had been holding Afghanistan Taliban brokered clandestine peace talks with TTP and details of these negotiations (for inexplicable reasons), weren’t shared with the senators. Hence it did not want to upset the dialogue process and invite public criticism for ‘sleeping with the enemy’. In fact, as early as June 2022, when Jamaat-i-Islami Senator Mushtaq Ahmed raised this issue in National Assembly, Pakistan Muslim League [Nawaz] Senator Irfanul Haq passed the buck by saying that these talks had not been initiated during its term, adding that “We were also unaware who is holding these talks and where they are taking place.”

How could the Pakistan Army sit down to cut a peace deal with TTP, the terrorist group that carried out the dastardly 2014 Army Public School Peshawar attack in which nearly 150 innocent students and staff members were brutally murdered and has the blood of hundreds of soldiers and civilians on its hands? While Rawalpindi may claim that it was holding talks with TTP on directions of the Imran Khan run government, but even an amateur Pakistan watcher will agree that in Pakistan while the legislature proposes it’s the army that ultimately disposes. Hence, these talks could have never taken place had Rawalpindi decided against it.

By agreeing to a unilateral ceasefire declared by TTP and the making the highly unreasonable concession of allowing its cadres to surreptitiously establish themselves in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa along with unconditional release of more than a hundred convicted TTP fighters, Rawalpindi only ended up give this terrorist group the much need time and space it required to regroup and refit. However, such is its fear amongst the people that no one has demanded an explanation for its irresponsible actions. 

The rest is history.

In its endeavour to defeat TTP the Pakistan Army may have pulled out all the stops but while doing so it has demonstrated scant concern for the Pashtun majority population of KP, and the recent missile attack by the Pakistan Air Force [PAF] on Tirah Valley’s Matre Dara village in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa that left at least 30 civilians, including women and children dead and several others injured is just one example. Media reports claim that using Chinese made JF 17 fighter jets, PAF struck the village with at least six LS-6 precision guided munitions [PGM] of Chinese origin.

How could those who approved this air strike go so wrong? Was the intelligence inaccurate that TTP was using the houses in Matre Dara village and yet they were targeted? Did this happen due to the unreliability of Chinese fighter jets and/or munitions- the JF 17 fighter jet navigational systems going awry or the LS-6 PGM malfunctioning and missing the target? Or was it a cavalier decision triggered by inherent apathy towards the Pashtun people?

When viewed in the broader context, the last probability appears to be the most likely as the Punjabi dominant Pakistan Army’s hatred for Pashtuns is no secret.

Pashtun Tahafuz Movement [PTM] is a peaceful community movement pursuing reasonable objectives like accountability for wanton violence against its people by the authorities, information on Pashtuns forcibly disappeared by security forces, intelligence and law enforcement agencies, clearance of landmines laid by the Pakistan Army in Waziristan that were for killing/maiming locals and recognition of Pashtuns as equal citizens of the country.

Yet, during a media interaction session six years ago, DG-ISPR in an act unbecoming of a two-star army General unashamedly spewed venom against PTM and also issued threats. A sample of some of his prejudiced utterances:  
* “How much money did you get from NDS [National Directorate of Security, Afghanistan’s erstwhile intelligence agency] to keep your protest running?”
* “How much money did RAW [Research and Analysis Wing, India’s intelligence agency] give you for your first sit-in in Islamabad?”
* “Nobody can fight the state. We care about the people you’re trying to instigate, otherwise it is not difficult to deal with you.” 
* “Why does TTP speak in favour of PTM? Why is your narrative similar?”
* “Whatever liberties you could take, you have taken.”
* Their [PTM leadership’s] time is up!

The DG-ISPR’s “time is up” warning to PTM was no idle threat. Less than a month later, in what came to be known as the infamous ‘Kharqamar incident’, Pakistan Army soldiers fired indiscriminately at PTM protesters who were demanding release of innocent civilians rounded up after a terrorist attack near the Khraqamar check post, killing at least 13 and injuring more than 25 others. Two PTM leaders were imprisoned for allegedly inciting the protesters but were inexplicably released four months later without being charged.

Rawalpindi maintained that the army personnel acted in self defence after the protesters had fired at them killing one soldier and injuring a few others. But by preventing the HRCP team from visiting the incident site or questioning witnesses, it became evident that the army was trying to conceal the truth. With the government subsequently withdrawing this case without assigning any reasons for denying justice to a soldier who was allegedly killed and others injured by PTM protesters, this apprehension has acquired undeniable credibility.

The Pashtuns are indeed an unfortunate lot treated as children of a lesser God by Pakistan. When they protested against the influx of TTP fighters in several districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the Pakistan Army blamed them of using social media to spread “misperception.” When they protest peacefully against enforced disappearances and institutionalised marginalisation, they are accused of working at the behest of New Delhi. When they protest against a large-scale anti-terrorist operation in KP solely because it would displace thousands of locals and cause extensive ‘collateral damage’ to civilian life and property as had happened in the past, they were branded as TTP proxies. [As per an August 2025 media report, more than 55,000 people or roughly 20,000 families have already fled their homes in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa].

And now even though Pashtuns in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa are mercilessly being pounded by missiles and exterminated in the Pakistan Army’s war against TTP, the war is simultaneously being waged against the innocent Pashtun people. Innocent civilians losing their lives and limbs due to such irresponsible behaviour don’t seem to worry Rawalpindi, because for ISPR to portray a mangled corpse of an innocent Pashtun as the mortal remains of some fictitious “high profile” TTP terrorist commander like Aman Gul and Masood Khan, is no big deal! 

Why does ‘nuclear armed’ Pakistan Army fear Dr Mahrang Baloch?

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They boast of a ‘strong’ army replete with an array of fighter jets, naval warships and submarines, all armed with nuclear weapons and yet they fear students carrying books, doctors with stethoscopes, writers with a pen, poets reciting poetry, advocates fighting for justice; and Baloch women with a microphone. Yes, you guessed it right, these are the Generals, Colonels and Brigadiers of the Pakistan Army! These pygmies, struggling with an inferiority complex ’cause they’ve never won a war in their lives, get anxious whenever a Baloch women speaks to the world about murder, rape, abduction and other war crimes committed by the Pakistan Army across occupied-Balochistan.  

Five years ago, when GHQ Rawalpindi orchestrated the murder of Banuk Karima Baloch in Canada they had expected that with her death the Baloch voice has been silenced at the international fora. However, after Banuk Karima Baloch her legacy has been ably carried forward by Dr Mahrang Baloch, a medical professional. Dr Mahrang Baloch is articulate and boldly calls out the clown show in Pakistan and in Pakistan-occupied Balochistan. Ironically, Mahrang Baloch has always sought relief within the ambit of Pakistani regime’s constitution and laws, despite understanding that the rule of law doesn’t exist anywhere in Pakistan. Dr Mahrang Baloch’s non-confrontationist approach gave the GHQ pygmies an ego massage. 

Banuk Karima was exposing them at the international forums detailing Pak Army’s kill & dump policy, their liasoning with death squads, providing statistics about enforced disappearances. Karima Baloch was silently but steadily bringing Balochistan into the international discourse and instilling a crystal clear message that Balochistan is Not Pakistan, thus making the pot-bellied Qamar Javed Bajwa (then Pak Army chief) jittery. 

Karima Baloch and her assertive activism were rising with each passing day. Her forceful arguments and raw courage shook the audience in western hemisphere that had hitherto been spoon-fed fairy tales about Balochistan by the glib Pakistanis. And then boom! Karima Baloch was murdered by ISI on the night of December 21/22, 2020 in Canada. Activists and friends of Balochistan were stunned. But independence movements, revolutions and revolutionaries never die; they metamorphose. Dr Mahrang Baloch took it upon herself to step into Banuk Karima’s shoes. 

Baloch children pay their tributes to Banuk Karima Baloch during her funeral in 2020. ISI had killed Banuk Karima Baloch in 2020 at Toronto, Canada. (Photo: News Intervention)

During her initial activism years, Dr Mahrang Baloch campaigned for students rights, better facilities for Baloch girls in schools and colleges, filed petitions for Baloch ‘missing persons’, organised protests and sit-in; all within the ambit of law. In these initial years Baloch women, children, families of ‘forcibly disappeared’ Baloch rallied around Dr Mahrang Baloch and together they petitioned in the courts, participated in long marches, organised sit-ins, demonstrations and pleaded with the ‘establishment’. 

Rawalpindi felt relieved that Dr Mahrang’s opposition was within the ‘boundary’, but their euphoria was short-lived. Unlike the polite-but-firm Karima Baloch, Dr Mahrang’s voice was shrill and forceful. Through her relentless campaign Dr Mahrang Baloch put “enforced disappearance” into international news. Dr Mahrang drilled the message loud and clear that it’s not by chance that thousands of Baloch have gone “missing” rather they have been abducted and “disappeared” by the Pakistani forces. “Enforced Disappearance” is the correct phrase, she thundered during protest rallies. International media, activists and human rights organisations began to question the Pakistani regime. 

Rawalpindi pygmies became uneasy and were desperate to strike back. They knew that they would have to frame Mahrang Baloch because her protests, speeches and demands were well within the constitutional framework. The Jaffar Express hijack by the BLA sarmachaars (freedom fighters) on March 11, 2025 gave them the opening. The Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) routinely drubs Pakistani soldiers across Pak-occupied Balochistan and through the Jaffar Express hijack the BLA sent a message to the world that Pakistan has illegally occupied Balochistan and that the BLA sarmachars are engaged in a freedom struggle. 

The newly crowned Pak Army chief (read pygmy-in-chief) Gen Asim Munir could see the narrative about Balochistan slipping away from his hands and wanted a face saver. And so, the Rawalpindi pygmies decided to arrest Dr Mahrang Baloch and other activists from the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC) on March 25, 2025, slamming fictitious charges. When the fictitious charges could not stand scrutiny in the courts the Paki regime resorted to cheap trickery of extended remands. Since their arrest in March, Mahrang and other BYC activists Beebow Baloch, Gulzadi Baloch continue to be under arrest till date, under one pretext or the other. 

If the Rawalpindi’s pygmy-in-chief Asim Munir feels that through these actions he can suppress Balochistan’s voice then he needs tutorials about revolutions and independence movements. “I will come back and we will be millions” read the posters during Banuk Karima Baloch’s funeral in 2020. Five years later the soft-spoken Banuk Karima Baloch has evolved into a fiery Dr Mahrang Baloch. 

A Baloch girl inspired by Dr Mahrang Baloch holds this banner at a protest rally in Pakistan-occupied Balochistan. (Photo: News Intervention)

Pakistan continues to face international embarrassment over Kashmir

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Psychological problems are known to degrade mental faculties, and this phenomenon even seems to afflict nations. Pakistan is one such country, where this malady seems to have acquired incurable proportions and history is replete with instances of how the habit of those who matter invariably end up putting their foot in their mouths by an uncontrollable urge to score a point. While former Pakistani Prime Minister and President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto using the UN Security Council podium in 1965 to declare a “1000 year war” against India is but one such example let’s confine ourselves to the present.

In the aftermath of New Delhi’s August 2019 decision to abrogate Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, Pakistan approached the UN to declare this move null and void on the grounds that it violated UNSC resolutions on Kashmir. As Islamabad’s contention lacked legal or material substance, the UN didn’t respond positively, and hence Pakistan’s “iron brother” Beijing cobbled a face-saving “informal” discussion on Kashmir in which neither would the proceedings of the meeting be recorded nor would any joint declaration or statement be issued. 

By outrightly refusing to entertain Islamabad’s request for intervention on the Kashmir issue, it’s apparent that the UNSC outrightly rejected Islamabad’s untenable Kashmir narrative and selectivity in applying provisions of UNSC resolutions on Kashmir. And by ruling that no statement would be issued after the meeting, the UNSC once again buttressed India’s logical stand that Kashmir is and will forever remain a bilateral issue between India and Pakistan with no scope of any third-party intervention. 

So it’s no big surprise that Islamabad’s incredulous decision to challenge the right of a democratically elected government to legally amend the constitution of its own and then expect the UNSC to intervene in what’s clearly an internal matter of a sovereign nation, failed. Islamabad did try to conceal its abysmal failure at the UN by rejoicing that Kashmir had come up for discussion at UNSC even though it yielded no results. 

How did Pakistan’s Foreign Ministry make such a big diplomatic blunder?

Islamabad knew all along that nothing would come out of its much-hyped decision to take the Article 370 abrogation issue to the UN. In fact, even before the meeting was held, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi forewarned his countrymen that “You should not in live fool’s paradise [since] nobody will be standing there [at UNSC] with garlands in hands…Nobody will be there waiting for you.” So, by approaching the UN on the Article 370 abrogation issue, didn’t Pakistan put its foot into its own mouth?

Qureshi’s pompous declaration that the government of Pakistan had “decided to take the Kashmir case to the International Court of Justice [ICJ]” is another manifestation of the ‘foot in the mouth’ syndrome. 

Readers would recall that Pakistan’s ICJ lawyer Khawar Qureshi went on record to say that this could only be done in case of a genocide but there wasn’t any significant evidence to support Islamabad’s claims of genocide in Kashmir. He concluded that “In absence of this evidence, it is extremely difficult for Pakistan to take this case to the ICJ.” So, while the idea of going to ICJ did Pakistan no good, it definitely helped India by unmasking Islamabad’s false propaganda on alleged genocide in Kashmir.

A month later, during the Asian speakers’ summit on Achieving Sustainable Development Goals [SDG] hosted by the Maldives Parliament, the Pakistani delegation created an avoidable embarrassing situation by raking up the completely unrelated Kashmir issue. 

However, leaders at the South Asian Speakers’ Summit “unanimously” felt that Kashmir was an “internal matter” of India and so Pakistan’s attempt to embarrass India came to naught as the reference to Kashmir was expunged from the record of proceedings. Furthermore, this issue expectedly found no mention whatsoever in the Malé Declaration leaving Pakistan with its foot in its mouth.

During a virtual meet of the 57 member Organisation of Islamic Cooperation [OIC] in May 2020, Pakistan’s UN Ambassador Munir Akram accused India of promoting Islamophobia, and with great flourish called upon on member states to create a “small informal working group” for ensuring concerted action against New Delhi at the UN. Islamabad probably thought that by arousing religious passions, it could beguile OIC members into collectively supporting its puerile and self-serving interests. However, its expectations of scoring a spectacular diplomatic victory were dashed to the ground.

The Permanent UN Representative of Maldives outrightly rejected Islamabad’s puerile suggestion stating that “Targeting a specific country will be like side stepping the real issue.” And with her perceptive observation that “singling out India, the largest democracy in the world and a multi-cultural society and home to over 200 million Muslims, alleging Islamophobia would be factually incorrect,” Islamabad once again ended up with its foot in its mouth. 

Regrettably Islamabad refused to learn any lessons from its Maldives fiasco and just days later it once again demonstrated scant regard for the stipulated agenda by raising the issue of rights in Kashmir at the UNICEF South Asian Parliamentarian Conference on Children Rights Convention in Colombo. Pakistan probably expected that despite being irrelevant it could drag the Kashmir issue into this meeting. However, its hope of being supported by the other members proved delusional as no one showed any interest in the out-of-place mention of the Kashmir issue and Pakistan was left with egg on its face.

Just the other day Pakistan experienced yet another ‘mother-of-all’ foot in the mouth moment, thanks to UN Watch, a Geneva-based non-governmental organisation that monitors performance of the UN “by the yardstick of its own Charter.” During a discussion on the recent Israeli attack targeting the Hamas leadership in Qatar at the UN, its human rights lawyer and executive director Hillel Neuer questioned the UN’s double standards.

When Neuer highlighted UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres’s unbounded praise for the 2011 killing of Al Qaida founder Osama bin Laden in Pakistan by the US and his criticism of Israel’s recent targeted attack on leaders of the Hamas terrorist group in Qatar, he was brusquely interrupted by the Pakistani delegate. Apparently stung by the reference to Laden’s extermination in Pakistan, he asked the UNHRC chairperson to ensure that no speaker violated the UN Charter principles and territorial integrity of member states while rejecting what he claimed were “unfounded accusations and allegations.” 

Once the Pakistani delegate finished speaking, the UNHRC chairperson asked the UN Watch speaker to continue, reminding him that he had just four seconds to complete his speech. Undeterred, Hillel Neur used this inordinately short time window allotted to deliver the coup de grâce by concluding “Mr President, Pakistan is another state sponsor of terror.” 

In retrospect, the Pakistani delegate must have realised that since Neur had never made any accusations or allegations against Pakistan and what he said was just an undeniable statement of fact, silence would have been more appropriate. Perhaps he may even have been admonished by his superiors for an intervention that seriously embarrassed Pakistan. 

But when the top leadership in Pakistan itself is suffering from foot in the mouth disease, why blame the poor delegate for shooting off his mouth and inviting a brutal verbal response that made Islamabad the laughingstock within the international community creating a foot in the mouth situation. Didn’t Pakistan Army chief and the country’s de facto ruler Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir’s recent “dump truck” remark do the same?

Karma effect: Afghanistan rubbishes Pak claim of hosting TTP and BLA

They say Karma works like a boomerang in that what you give out always comes back to you- and this is exactly what’s happening in Pakistan. In 2018, while addressing the Munich Security Conference in Germany, Pakistan’s then army chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa claimed that there are no safe havens for terrorists in his country and had asked the US to stop blaming Islamabad for its own failures in Afghanistan.

Since seven years have since elapsed, one would have forgotten about this incident had Afghanistan’s Defence Minister Mullah Mohammed Yaqoob not resurrected this very argument in his recent interview with BBC. Outrightly rejecting Islamabad’s allegation that Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan [TTP] and Baloch Liberation Army [BLA] were operating from safe havens located inside Afghanistan he also made it clear that even “If terrorists of TTP and BLA come from Afghanistan and carry out car bombings and targeted killings inside Pakistan, it shows their [Pakistan Army’s] failed internal security system.” Doesn’t the blunt reply of Afghanistan’s Defence Minister validate the Karma-boomerang analogy? So, while Pakistan is definitely a victim of terrorism and blames all and sundry for the same, isn’t this the backlash of the Pakistan Army’s proclivity for keeping snakes in its backyard?

Rawalpindi has a lot to answer to its people for the burgeoning spate of terrorism afflicting the country and Pakistan Army chief Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir cannot evade responsibility for his army’s abject failure to tackle this menace just by blaming “foreign powers” and “[poor] governance” for the prevailing chaos.

So, while the Field Marshal Asim Munir’s emotional query about “How long will we continue to fill the governance gaps with the blood of the armed forces of Pakistan and the martyrs” may attract sympathy, his demand that Pakistan be turned into a “hard state” is a brazen attempt to conceal the Pakistan Army’s abysmal failure in fighting home-grown terrorism by blaming the government of functioning “in the style of a soft state.”

The Pakistan Army chief needs to remember that it’s the army’s inviolable responsibility to ensure the safety of its citizens. Hence, if Rawalpindi is so certain that Kabul is providing sanctuary to the TTP and BLA and claims to have specific information regarding the exact locations of the same, then why doesn’t it undertake a comprehensive military operation to strike and destroy these safe havens instead of taking token actions through sporadic drone strikes? Is he serious or merely playing to the domestic gallery? 

Though it blames New Delhi for sponsoring TTP without furnishing any credible evidence in support of its allegations, Rawalpindi’s own track record of its dealings with TTP is appalling. Even though this terrorist group perpetrated the heinous 2014 Army Public School Peshawar carnage in which nearly 150 students and staff members were brutally murdered, yet the Pakistan Army meekly accepted a ceasefire offered by this terrorist group in 2022.

As part of this shameful deal, Rawalpindi also unconditionally released more than 100 convicted TTP fighters responsible for the death of several army men, members of law enforcement agencies as well as innocent civilians. One of the TTP commanders released was Muslim Khan who in 2016 had been sentenced to death by a Pakistani military court for killing 31 Pakistanis including security force personnel and civilians.

However, the most alarming development was something unthinkable that Rawalpindi did. In 2022, large scale protests erupted in Swat Valley against the rapidly increasing presence of armed TTP fighters. Instead of dispelling fear amongst the locals by taking immediate action to evict these terrorists, and preventing future infiltration, the Pakistan Army instead stooped to a new low. Believe it or not, it actually covered-up the mass intrusion of TTP cadres into Swat Valley by denying TTP presence in Swat Valley and outrightly rejecting irrefutable reports of the same by calling them “grossly exaggerated and misleading.”

There are many other instances where Pakistan has been struck by the Karma ‘boomerang’. Readers would recall that Pakistan’s ex-president and former army chief Gen Pervez Musharraf revealed that “Kashmiris who came to Pakistan received a hero’s reception here,” adding that “We used to train them and support them. We considered them as mujahideens who will fight with the Indian army.” 

He subsequently admitted that after 9/11, “These very mujahideen groups whose orientation was Kashmir, they turned their guns inwards, and they developed a nexus with Taliban and Al-Qaeda. Now, this is the bigger problem area [sic], that they are involved in terrorism in Pakistan.”  Isn’t this a classic case of Karma hitting back?

Next, isn’t Gen Musharraf’s revelation that “We introduced ‘religious militancy’ to flush out [the] Soviets” and his lament of how “Religious militancy has now become militancy [and] now we also are a victim of terrorism” reflective of rapidly escalating communal and sectarian violence in Pakistan and yet another physical manifestation of Karma’s backlash? Lastly, let’s not forget that it was Rawalpindi’s refusal to end its sponsorship of the Haqqani network in 2018 that prompted US President Donald Trump to Tweet “They [Pakistan government and army] give safe haven to the terrorists we hunt in Afghanistan”. With the Afghanistan Defence Minister outrightly refusing to entertain Pakistan’s request to evict TTP from safe havens on its soil, hasn’t Kabul done to Rawalpindi exactly what Rawalpindi had done to the US seven years ago?
Karma is unforgiving and has a long memory!