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Why Islamic radicalization persists? Why Muslim societies need urgent reforms?

The blast in Delhi was more than an intelligence failure or a tragic act of terror. It was a warning—one that points to deeper structural, ideological and cultural fractures that have been ignored for too long. Every major terror incident forces us to revisit the uncomfortable question: Why does radicalisation continue to find fertile ground across certain pockets of the Muslim world, and why do these ideological fault lines spill across borders with such ease? To understand this, we must step beyond immediate political narratives and confront the deeper roots of the crisis.

A Legacy of Turbulence

Islam’s early political history was shaped by constant conflict. The Prophet Muhammad’s lifetime was marked by battles for consolidation, and the period immediately after his death was one of violent succession struggles. Caliphs Umar, Uthman and Ali all met assassinations; Imam Hasan too died under violent circumstances. This formative turbulence left an imprint: the idea of “jihad” entered the religious vocabulary not merely as a spiritual struggle, but as a sanctified tool of political assertion. Over centuries, this vocabulary got amplified by other related terms, creating a language that shaped the mindset where force was not an aberration but an accepted instrument of preserving faith and authority.

This historical memory continues to echo in contemporary struggles, making the teaching and practice of non-violence far more challenging. 

When Culture is Squeezed Out

Civilisations soften through culture. Art, music, dance, theatre, sculpture and literature expand the imagination and weaken the hold of dogma. Yet, many orthodox interpretations within Islam have long discouraged or prohibited these very expressions. The anxiety about the arts has deprived many Muslim societies of the cultural buffers that moderate extremism.

This does not diminish the grand contributions of individual Muslims—from the architecture of Andalusia to the poetry of Rumi and Ghalib. But these flourished when thinkers and artists transcended the strictest boundaries of theology. Creativity survived despite orthodoxy, not in harmony with it. Where culture is throttled, dogma grows teeth. 

Modern States in Peril

A distressing pattern is visible across several Muslim-majority societies: fragile democracies, authoritarian politics, shrinking civic freedoms, and the persistent persecution of minorities. When states fail to create avenues for dissent, cultural expression and open debate, alternate radical networks step in—often transnational in character, well-funded, and ideologically rigid.

The Delhi blast must be located within this global reality. Violent extremism is not born in a vacuum; it flows through ideological pipelines that often originate far beyond India’s borders, powered by sermons, online propaganda, and political developments in West Asia, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Dismissing the linkage between Islamism and terrorism as mere propaganda or “Islamophobia” does not help anyone—not Muslim societies, and certainly not victims of terror.

Self-denial cannot be a strategy for survival especially when a multilayered web of funding from Turkey and Qatar, charity from Gulf, handlers based at Turkey and training camps based in Pakistan join hands to infiltrate the minds of Indian muslims, that too doctors, to engineer a series of blasts to rock the country. How does a Muslim defend the undefendable? 

Education Without Enlightenment

One of the most troubling paradoxes of our time is the rise of highly educated yet deeply indoctrinated individuals. Doctors, engineers, and technocrats from Muslim backgrounds often show excellence in professional domains while simultaneously resisting intellectual scrutiny of their religious beliefs.

This is not accidental. In several Islamic institutions, modern scientific training coexists with rigid doctrinal teaching. Students learn complicated anatomy or engineering equations in one classroom, and in another, absorb sermons that warn against questioning scripture. This duality produces individuals with professional competence but ideological rigidity—a potent combination when exposed to radical narratives.

Thus, even when economic conditions improve, the psychological grip of doctrinaire thinking remains intact. If radicalisation is to be reversed, education must liberate the mind, not divide it. The theological leaders must rewrite the unethical interpretation of teachings and take the ownership for correcting the wrongs. Likewise, governments of Islamic nations must take the lead in resurrecting Islam from the dogma and reinvesting the vocabulary of non-violence. 

The Imperative of Internal Reform

The global conversation around Islam often collapses into two camps: Those who see Islam as inherently violent and those who insist that the religion is a monolithic victim of misinterpretation. Both positions are oversimplified. The reality is more complex and demands nuance: Islam today stands at a crossroads where internal reform is not only desirable but essential anti-dote for the venom which is fast becoming synonymous with Islam. 

Several steps are indispensable:

  1. Keep faith private and keep devotion must remain within the personal sphere, not the political domain. Even use of loudspeakers at mosques and processions on streets may be stopped as a step towards reformation.
  2. Open religious texts to scrutiny – The Qur’an, Hadith and the Prophet’s biography must be open to debate, reinterpretation and academic criticism. Suppression only breeds resentment and radicalism.
  3. Abandon dreams of a Sharia-governed state – Modern nations demand secular constitutions that protect all citizens equally. Non muslim minorities must be protected by the State and not to fend for themselves. What is happening in Pakistan and Bangladesh is horrendous. 
  4. Shift from madrasa dependency to universal schooling – Education must nurture curiosity, not conformity. There may be madrasas that are models for ideal education, but overall they are being identified as the institutions for breeding radical ideologies. The products in turn breed violence. This nexus or perception of nexus must be dismantled.  
  5. Reclaim culture – Music, art, theatre and literature must return to public life as instruments of social healing. Nothing can be declared as male specific activity, not open to females. The acts such as declaring fatwa against “all girls band” in Kashmir few years ago by the Grand Mufti, should be treated as a criminal act. People misusing religious authority must be taken to task. 
  6. Reconsider puritanical dress codes – Burqa and hijab are not merely garments; they often symbolise deeper gender segregation and inequality.
  7. Respect diverse beliefs – Tolerance must extend to non-Muslims and atheists alike.
  8. Prioritise national identity over transnational religious identity – Loyalty must flow toward the land where one lives, not imagined global umma politics.
  9. Embrace family planning and gender equality – No society can progress while half its population remains restricted by theology.

These steps are not anti-Islam; they are pro-civilisation.

Reform or Darkness

Every major religious tradition has experienced internal upheavals and reforms—Christianity through the Reformation, Hinduism through social movements, Judaism through philosophical renewal. Islam’s moment for self-renewal is overdue. Without introspection and change, radicalisation will continue to feed tragedies like the Delhi blast. The answer does not lie in denial, outrage or defensive rhetoric. It lies in the courage to reform.

If the foundational issues remain unaddressed, the world will witness more violence—and Muslim societies themselves will face the gravest consequences.

The Delhi blast is not just a terrorist act. It is a signal from the future: reform now, or brace for a deeper and darker crisis.

Cracking the Code of Hybrid OGWs: New Threats, New Counter Measures

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In the aftermath of the sharp decline in terrorist recruitment across Jammu & Kashmir a result of sustained security operations, development initiatives, community mobilization, and shifting youth aspirations terrorist networks have been forced to adapt. Unable to rely on mass recruitment or carry out large-scale group attacks, many outfits have evolved their tactics. They now increasingly deploy what India calls “hybrid Over Ground Workers” or OGWs young men and women who never formally join militant ranks but serve as facilitators: guiding logisticians, ideologues, recruiters, spotters for security forces, propagandists, fund-raisers, cyber-operatives, or lone-wolf attackers.

This grey zone warfare allows terror outfits to maintain influence without open confrontation. Their actions, spotting security patrols, sharing information, producing propaganda, or sheltering infiltrators, remain below the legal radar, often eluding conventional counter terror frameworks. Cracking the code of hybrid OGWs has therefore become one of India’s most urgent security challenges.

Hybrid OGWs thrive on ambiguity. They operate between legality and illegality, activism and radicalism, social identity and violent ideology. Many are radicalized gradually, through social media, online sermons, or peer groups, without ever meeting a foreign handler.

They are not typical recruits; they do not pick up weapons or join known groups. Their participation may be limited to sharing disinformation, raising small funds through hawala or donations, or alerting handlers about troop movement. Yet these micro acts are essential to sustaining terror ecosystems.

Because hybrid OGWs never formally affiliate with militant organizations, they escape standard intelligence profiling. Their invisibility is their armor. They blend in, carry no record, and fade away after missions, complicating detection and prosecution.

To understand the hybrid OGW phenomenon, one must go beyond the stereotypes of radicalization. Their motivations are diverse, ranging from ideological conviction and social alienation to economic desperation or misplaced identity politics.

Post 2019 developments in Jammu and Kashmir, including the abrogation of Article 370, triggered psychological shifts among sections of youth. Many, struggling to reconcile identity and opportunity, became vulnerable to extremist narratives of defense and solidarity.

Crucially, many OGWs do not perceive themselves as criminals. They see themselves as defenders of a cause, not as terrorists. This cognitive dissonance, believing one is right even while aiding terror, makes them especially difficult to counter through force alone.

India’s security establishment has gradually adapted to this evolving threat. Intelligence agencies have expanded human intelligence (HUMINT) networks across schools, mosques, and community hubs. Local police, CRPF, and administrative units now combine traditional surveillance with community engagement, encouraging citizens to report suspicious but non violent activity.

Digital monitoring has also intensified. Social media platforms, WhatsApp groups, and Telegram channels are scanned for coded language, radical imagery, and coordinated disinformation. Artificial intelligence tools help identify behavioral clusters indicative of early radicalization.

But India’s approach is not limited to surveillance. Recognizing that hybrid OGWs operate in both physical and psychological spaces, the state has begun deploying preemptive disruption measures, community outreach, youth mentorship, and digital literacy programs to inoculate society against extremist influence.

The battle today is as much online as it is on the ground. Hybrid OGWs use digital anonymity to spread propaganda, recruit sympathizers, and organize logistics. In response, cyber cells of the J&K Police, CERT In, and national intelligence agencies are collaborating to dismantle these online ecosystems.

When radical influencers are identified, their networks are mapped using metadata and financial trails. Many interventions at this stage are non punitive, focusing on counseling, awareness drives, and parental engagement rather than immediate prosecution. Only when behavior crosses into criminal intent are legal provisions under UAPA or BNS invoked. This graded response ensures that counter terror measures do not alienate communities but instead strengthen trust between citizens and the state.

Perhaps the most creative counter to hybrid OGWs lies in reclaiming the narrative. Extremist propaganda thrives on emotional appeal, portraying militants as heroes and India as an oppressor. To dismantle this psychology, the government has turned to trusted influencers, local artists, entrepreneurs, social media creators, and sportspersons who articulate an alternative Kashmiri identity rooted in development, pluralism, and peace.

Through songs, short films, and digital campaigns, these voices counter extremist messaging with stories of progress, humor, and hope. They offer cultural antidotes to radical rhetoric, redefining pride in being Kashmiri as pride in coexistence, resilience, and opportunity.

This soft power strategy, combined with civic empowerment, has begun eroding the appeal of extremist propaganda among youth audiences.

Hybrid OGWs often facilitate small but critical financial flows, storing cash for weapons purchases, aiding militant families, or raising donations under social pretexts. Financial Intelligence Units and police now track such micro transactions, linking them through data analytics between banks, digital wallets, and unregistered trusts.

The integration of RBI and Central FIU systems allows security agencies to trace unusual cash patterns and cut off the financial oxygen that sustains hybrid networks. Every disruption in funding prevents a potential act of violence downstream.

India’s counter OGW framework increasingly balances enforcement with rehabilitation. Young offenders identified at early stages are offered pathways to rejoin mainstream life through skill training, education, sports, and mentorship. Families are engaged as partners, not targets.

This approach prevents stigmatization and breaks the cycle of alienation that extremist networks exploit. Rehabilitation is no longer an afterthought, it is a frontline counter radicalization tool.

The hybrid OGW model did not evolve in isolation. Pakistan’s intelligence apparatus actively promotes such tactics because they are low cost, high impact, and deniable. Diaspora based propagandists and radical media channels abroad produce extremist content tailored for Kashmiri youth.

India has responded by working with foreign governments and tech platforms to identify and remove such content. Diplomatically, New Delhi continues to highlight Pakistan’s state sponsored information warfare, pressing for greater global accountability in cyberspace.


At the grassroots, the government’s investment in sports and cultural infrastructure has proven a subtle but powerful counter measure. New sports arenas, art studios, and digital learning centers across J&K engage thousands of young people who might otherwise be idle or frustrated.

These are not just recreational spaces, they are safe nodes of social reintegration. Coaches, trainers, and mentors act as early warning observers, identifying behavioral shifts and offering guidance long before radical influences take hold.

By filling psychological and social voids with purpose, these centers quietly dismantle the recruiting ground that hybrid OGWs depend upon.


India’s evolving response to hybrid OGWs represents a multi layered security doctrine that combines intelligence precision, social inclusion, and digital innovation. It recognizes that the battlefield has moved from mountains to minds, from bunkers to browsers.

The strategy rests on five pillars: preemptive intelligence, digital counter narratives, financial disruption, rehabilitation, and community resilience. Each success story, each intercepted network or reintegrated youth, adds to a growing body of learning that refines future interventions.

Yet challenges remain. Hybrid OGWs are adaptive and decentralized. Legal frameworks must keep pace with non violent extremism, and digital regulation must balance security with privacy. Vigilance must never slide into vigilantism.

But India’s greatest strength lies in its pluralism, democracy, and youth driven optimism. If these values continue to guide policy, Jammu and Kashmir could soon stand as a global example, a region that defeated hybrid warfare not just with force, but with foresight and faith in its people.


The goal is not merely to eliminate OGWs, but to transform them, to redirect misled energy toward civic engagement and nation building. A youth once radicalized through a WhatsApp channel can become a cyber mentor; a local propagandist can turn into a peace educator.

When hybrid threats are met with hybrid responses, where intelligence meets empathy and technology meets trust, India demonstrates a new model of democratic strength in the age of asymmetric warfare.

The code of hybrid OGWs is complex, but India’s approach is clear: fight the shadow with light, and build peace not only through deterrence but through dignity.

SIA arrests Narco-Terror Operative from Mumbai International Airport

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The State Investigation Agency (SIA) Jammu and Kashmir achieved a major breakthrough when it arrested a main kingpin of a Norco terror module from Mumbai Airport. The arrested accused identified as Mohd. Arshad @ Asif son of Mohd. Rashid, a resident of village Degwar Terwan, Tehsil Haveli, District Poonch, had been absconding since 2023 and was operating from Saudi Arabia.

The case was registered in May 2023 following reliable information regarding a narco-terror module operating in the Pir Panjaal region. During a joint search operation conducted by Police and Army, on the intervening night of 30/31-05-2023, an exchange of fire took place between terrorists and the search party. In the ensuing operation, four terrorists were apprehended and a huge cache of arms, ammunition, and narcotics was recovered, which included Heroin: 29 kg, Improvised Explosive Device (IED): 01, Hand Grenades: 06, AK-56 Rifle: 01, Pistols: 04, Live AK-56, Rounds: 70.

A total of eight accused were found involved in the case, out of which two were absconding. One absconder, Laquit Ahmed, was earlier arrested by SIA Jammu from Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel International Airport, Ahmedabad in March 2025 who had absconded soon after the incident to Dubai.

The other absconder, Mohd. Arshad @ Asif, is the main handler and key link between Pakistan-based handlers and operatives in Jammu & Kashmir. He had facilitated the travel of co-accused Laquit Ahmed to Dubai and also organized a secret meeting in the Surankote area for reviving terrorism and narco-terror activities in the Pir Panjaal region under his guidance.

The SIA Jammu had earlier issued a Look-Out Circular (LOC) against Mohd. Arshad @ Asif in the year 2023, followed by the issuance of a Non-Bailable Warrant (NBW) from the competent court . The accused has been taken into custody on a three days transit remand from Mumbai. His arrest from Mumbai International Airport marks a significant success for SIA Jammu and Kashmir in its sustained efforts to dismantle networks involved in narco-terrorism and cross-border subversive activities.

Turning Fear into Faith: Army Goodwill Schools Mission to Educate and Empower

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It is about helping children dream of a better life where there is harmony, opportunity and progress. These schools are changing lives in places that were once affected by violence and fear.

For many years children in border and mountain areas of Jammu and Kashmir could not get good education. Many schools were far away and some areas did not have schools at all.

The Indian Army saw this problem and decided to help. So in 1998 the Army started Operation Sadbhavana to give quality education to children in far off villages. The aim was to bring happiness, learning and confidence to young boys and girls. Today there are 46 Army Goodwill Schools in Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh. These schools teach around 14000 students and give jobs to more than 1000 local teachers and staff. The Indian Army also helps about 1900 government schools by building classrooms providing furniture libraries and other facilities. Every year about 1500 poor but deserving students get scholarships to continue their studies. More than one lakh people have already benefitted from this wonderful program.

Army Goodwill Schools are not only about studies. They also focus on sports discipline manners and confidence. The schools have computer labs science labs libraries and playgrounds. Students take part in cultural programs debates sports competitions and national level exams. Many of them have passed board exams with 100 percent results. Showing that with hard work and good guidance children from remote villages can shine bright. Programs like Kashmir Super 50 for engineering, Kashmir Super 30 for medical students have also helped many poor students achieve success. In one year 30 out of 35 students cleared NEET and got admission in MBBS and BDS courses across India. These success stories show that Army Goodwill Schools are giving real opportunities to the youth of Jammu and Kashmir.

These schools are also helping to build a better society. They teach students to be honest disciplined and kind. Many students from these schools have gone on to join the armed forces become doctors engineers teachers and officers. They are making their families and their villages proud. Parents also feel safe sending their children to these schools because they trust the Army to provide both good education and security. There are many inspiring stories of students from Army Goodwill Schools.

In Pahalgam 15 students of Army Goodwill Public School took part in a 17 kilometre marathon from Aru to Pahalgam led by their Principal Mrs Ila Upadhyaya.

The event called the Lidderwat Trail Run 2025 was organized by the Jawahar Institute of Mountaineering and Winter Sports with the support of Jammu and Kashmir Tourism and Civil Administration.

The students showed courage teamwork and physical fitness. From AGS Wayne Sohail Khan a student of Class 12th brought pride to his school by winning a Gold Medal in the Inter State Athletics Tournament held in Jammu. He will now represent Jammu and Kashmir at the National Level. His success shows how these schools encourage sports and help students reach their goals.

In Kupwara Faika Farheen a student of Ashutosh Army Goodwill School has been selected to represent Jammu and Kashmir at the National Science Model Exhibition for her project Drug Detection Device for Safer Communities. Her innovation shows that Army Goodwill Schools are not just teaching from books but are encouraging creativity and practical knowledge. In Bandipora students from Army Goodwill School Bandipora won five medals four gold and one silver in the District Bandipora Badminton Championship 2025.

Another student Farhan Faroz won a bronze medal in the Inter District Judo Competition held in Srinagar. In Lolab Army Goodwill School Chandigam won first position in the Inno Fest 2025 and the Rockstar Achiever Award for their project on Water and Trash Management. The project was guided by their Principal and teacher Mr Javeed Ahmad Dar. These success stories from different corners of Jammu and Kashmir show how Army Goodwill Schools are bringing change giving children confidence and reforming the society.

The Indian Army has made sure that these schools are not only about education but also about care and community. They employ local teachers give jobs to youth and help women through vocational training programs. Parents feel safe and proud because their children are learning in a secure and respectful environment.

Recently Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha praised the Army Goodwill Schools during an event at Army Goodwill School Balapur Shopian. He said that earlier some people tried to stop others from sending their children to Army schools but today those same schools have become places of hope. He said if our brave soldiers can protect our borders why can’t they help educate our children. The Lieutenant Governor appreciated the Indian Army for not only protecting the nation but also for changing society through education.

Moreover, in a significant stride towards empowering the youth of border regions, the Ace of Spades Division, under the banner of Operation Sadbhavna, has launched Phase II of the “Super 30 & Best Five” initiative.

This noble program is aimed at guidin talented students from border areas for admission into prestigious institutions such as Sainik Schools, Military Schools, and the Rashtriya Indian Military College (RIMC) Dehradun.

Following the successful completion of the online phase, Phase II (Offline) commenced at the Army Goodwill Public School (AGPS) Rajouri. A total of 27 bright and motivated students have been selected to undertake a month-long training program.

This program is designed to sharpen their knowledge, discipline, and confidence. The initiative focuses on turning youthful aspirations into real achievements and preparing students to excel in national-level military institutions.

This effort reflects the commitment to the youth of Jammu Kashmir building confidence, encouraging ambition, and providing the right platform.

Indeed, the Indian Army has gone beyond its duty. It is not only guarding the borders but also shaping the future of thousands of children. The Army Goodwill Schools are helping to build a Jammu Kashmir one where peace and education walk hand in hand. These schools are turning fear into faith and despair into dreams.

Now as Jammu Kashmir continues its journey toward peace and progress. There is a strong need to open another Army Goodwill School in Tehsil Haveli Poonch.

Jawans and Awaam of Poonch stood shoulder to shoulder to defend the nation. A school in their name would be a great way to honour their courage and sacrifice. This school would not just be a building it would be a symbol of unity courage and respect. It would offer modern education with digital classrooms science labs libraries and sports facilities. It would give the children of Tehsil Haveli the same opportunities as students in other parts of the Union Territory. Such a school would strengthen the bond between the Army and the people. It would keep alive the spirit of Operation Sindoor where soldiers and civilians stood together for India.

It would teach students to love their country respect each other and work hard to build a better future. The Army Goodwill Schools have already proven that education can heal societies broken by conflict. From the snowy hills of Kupwara to the green valleys of Anantnag from the plains of Jammu to the borders of Rajouri and Poonch these schools have spread light where there was once darkness. They have shown that when the Army teaches with love and the people respond with trust miracles can happen.

The story of these schools is the story of a changing Jammu and Kashmir. It is a story of young boys and girls who now dream big of teachers who work with dedication and of soldiers who not only protect borders but also protect the future of our children. Every achievement whether in studies science or sports proves that education is stronger than violence and that knowledge is the real key to peace. The Army Goodwill Schools are more than just schools they are symbols of hope peace and reform.

Through these schools the Indian Army has given the greatest gift of all education. Education builds minds connects hearts and strengthens the nation. It is now time to take this mission further. Building an Army Goodwill School in Tehsil Haveli Poonch dedicated to the heroes of Operation Sindoor would be a true tribute to the Jawans and Awaam who fought together for India.

It will stand as a reminder that real victory is not only won on the battlefield but also in classrooms where young minds learn the values of courage peace and unity. The Army Goodwill Schools have already changed thousands of lives.

With continued support care and vision, they will keep building bridges of peace and friendship one child and one classroom at a time. They show us that education is the light that never fades even in the highest mountains of Jammu Kashmir.

Pakistan: Who’s in Control? Of course, Pak Army!

Eight years ago, Pakistan’s ex-President and former chief of Pakistan Army Gen Pervez Musharraf proudly claimed that “Military rule has always brought the country [Pakistan] back on track, whereas civilian governments have always derailed it.” Though a very strong and equally contentious statement, this pompous declaration went largely unnoticed and there was a reason for this — after October 27, 1958, when Gen [Later Field Marshal] Ayub Khan seized power through a coup, Pakistan has never seen a true civilian government– a fact that Pakistan Army’s another former chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa himself admitted.

Readers would recall that in his 2022 farewell speech, Gen Bajwa had broached the serious issue of burgeoning public criticism of Pakistan’s military, revealing that “the reason for this is the constant meddling by the army in politics for the last 70 years,” while acknowledging that this practice was “unconstitutional.” But in June this year, Pakistan’s Defence Minister Khawaja Asif during an interview to Arab News accepted that Pakistan was following a “hybrid model” of democracy where the military and politicians share power. Arab News aptly termed this revelation “an open secret in political circles but a rare public admission by a serving (government) official”.

While Asif accepted that Pakistan didn’t have “an ideal democratic government,” he nevertheless displayed his subservience to the military by defending this ludicrous undertaking as a practical necessity until Pakistan was “out of the woods as far as economic and governance problems are concerned.” The surprising part is that at a time when things on both these fronts are going from bad to worse, Asif, shamelessly contradicting ground realities like a besotted apologist, still claims that this arrangement is “doing wonders.”

By stealing the peoples’ mandate through indiscriminate rigging and brazenly targeting former Prime Minister Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), field marshal Syed Asim Munir has pushed Pakistan into the quagmire of political instability. However, he’s not perturbed because by orchestrating installation of the pliable Shehbaz Sharif government, just like a whimsical puppeteer, field marshal Munir can run the country the way he likes.

Pakistan’s economy too is suffering due to the prevailing political vacuum. Al Jazeera has aptly quoted Lahore University of Management Sciences economic professor Ali Hasnain saying, “The only way out of this dilemma for Pakistan is to undertake deep structural reforms of the sort which no government has shown a commitment to yet, so that both the economy and defence spending can stay robust over the medium and long terms.” But the ‘hybrid model’ government headed by field marshal Munir has shown no inclination for initiating meaningful structural reforms.

With due respect to his devout religious outlook, airing hostile views against citizens doesn’t behoove a field marshal who is running a country. Curbing legitimate dissent by declaring that political opponents are agents of foreign powers and citing existential incompatibility between Hindus and Muslims has further vitiated the already hostile environment in Pakistan. Use of excessive force against peaceful protesters in Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir [PoJK] and in its hinterland also breeds public resentment and kick starts a cycle of violence.

Khyber Pakhtunkhwa [KP] and Balochistan are live examples of how the Pakistan Army has precipitated a humongous crisis by denying locals their legitimate rights and using excessive force [including aerial strikes] against innocent civilians as well as subjecting them to enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings.

Most importantly, concealing lapses by blaming neighbours [India and Afghanistan] for all the woes in Pakistan further promotes public hatred towards the people of these countries. Resultantly, rather than mending fences through dialogue and living cordially like friendly neighbours, democratically elected governments in Pakistan cannot afford to do so as any such move is viewed by the public as outright treason.

But this is exactly what Rawalpindi wants.

The extra-constitutional powers that Rawalpindi enjoys spring from the delusion that it has successfully created over the years in the minds of the public by presenting the ever-looming threat of extinction ‘Islamic’ Pakistan faces from a ‘Hindu’ India. So, whenever things aren’t going too well for the army, it starts titling at the ‘Hindustan’ windmills, and field marshal Munir’s recent resurrection of the “Two Nation Theory” is an example.

Returning to the question of who’s in actual control in Pakistan. Just last month, in a TV interview, Aziz was asked, “In most countries, the head of the army answers to the defence minister. In your country, you, the defence minister, answer to the head of the army, don’t you? Rather than give a simple ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ reply, the Pakistani Defence Minister said, “No, it’s not like that… I’m a political appointee.” With Aziz choosing to use two disjointed sentences to answer instead of giving a one-word reply, it’s absolutely clear as to who’s in actual control in Pakistan!

Pakistan’s Double Standards Exposed: Shedding Innocent Blood at Home While Preaching on Jammu Kashmir

Zeshan Syed

Pakistan once again revealed its disregard for human life in the month of September 2025. Fighter jets of the Pakistan Air Force dropped LS-6 bombs on the small village of Matre Dara in the Tirah Valley of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, killing at least thirty civilians, including women and children. Within moments, homes were destroyed, families erased, and lives shattered forever. The military claimed it was targeting militants, but those who died were innocent villagers. There was no accountability, no remorse, and no transparency just silence and indifference. For the people of Pakistan, this was not an isolated tragedy but yet another chapter in a long history of state cruelty against its own citizens.

What makes this tragedy even more glaring is the hypocrisy of Pakistan’s rulers. While the military establishment kills its own people, it continues to preach to the world about “freedom” and “human rights” in Jammu Kashmir. The same state that drops bombs on women and children in Tirah Valley has the audacity to claim moral superiority over India. It is this double standard that defines Pakistan today a nation where the generals rule like kings, the politicians act as their puppets, and the common citizen lives in fear.

The so-called leadership of Pakistan self-proclaimed Field Marshal Asim Munir and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif are nothing more than sailors of a sinking ship. They steer a vessel battered by corruption, militarism, and hypocrisy, pretending to guide it toward stability while drilling holes in its own hull. Asim Munir, who projects himself as a “savior in uniform,” has extended military control into every institution politics, media, judiciary, and even civil administration. Under his command, airstrikes on civilians, disappearances of activists, and crackdowns on journalists have become the new normal. Meanwhile, Shehbaz Sharif, posing as the face of “democratic governance,” acts as a mere frontman for the generals, signing off on their directives without question. Together, they represent a system that thrives on deceit, where power is preserved through fear, and where patriotism is measured by one’s silence.

This reality is visible in Pakistan-Occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoJK), where recent protests for basic human rights were crushed with brutal force. The people of Muzaffarabad, Rawalakot, and Kotli came out demanding affordable wheat, fair electricity prices, and relief from crushing poverty. They were calling for survival. Yet, they were treated in a very inhumane manner. Security forces opened fire on unarmed protesters, killing at least five people, including a young man named Adnan, whose only demand was cheap flour for his family. The streets of PoJK, once filled with slogans for justice, were taken over by troops and intelligence agents. Under the watch of Asim Munir and Shehbaz Sharif, establishment proved once again that it fears people they rule more than international shame.

As protests in PoJK were silenced with lollipop, unrest spread to Pakistan’s mainland. In Lahore and Islamabad, supporters of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) clashed with Pakistan’s establishment after calling for solidarity with Palestinians. The Pakistan’s establishments reaction was swift and ruthless tear gas, rubber bullets, and live fire. At least five people were killed, dozens injured, and hundreds detained. Mobile networks were shut down, highways were blocked, and the media was ordered not to report freely. It is pertinent to mention here that Pakistan is now operating one of the most intrusive surveillance systems in the region, spying on millions of its own citizens through digital firewalls and phone tapping. Dissent, whether political or religious, is no longer tolerated. Opposition leaders are languishing in jails; over a hundred have been handed lengthy prison sentences. This is the “democracy” that Shehbaz Sharif and Asim Munir have built a democracy without freedom, without voice, and without conscience.

While Pakistan’s rulers wage war against their own people, they continue to chant slogans about Kashmir. But their hypocrisy stands exposed before the world. The same establishment that kills its own citizens cannot claim to be the guardian of anyone’s rights. In Pakistan-Occupied Jammu and Kashmir, people asking for flour and electricity are branded as traitors; in Balochistan, entire villages are bombed under the guise of counter-insurgency; and in Sindh, political activists vanish without a trace. The military’s control has turned the nation into a prison guarded by men in uniform and politicians who bow to them.

Whereas, India has faced Pakistan-sponsored terrorism, yet its armed forces have operated under strict rules of engagement. Every counterterrorism operation is guided by the principle of protecting civilian lives. Soldiers risk their own safety to avoid civilian casualties. Indian forces conduct precise, intelligence-based operations rather than indiscriminate bombings. The reason is simple: the people of Jammu and Kashmir are Indian citizens whose lives, rights, and dignity matter. This reflects the true spirit of India’s democracy, where the military serves the nation, not rules it.

Pakistan’s establishment has long built its power on lies, lies about religion, about nationalism, and about Jammu Kashmir. The so-called Field Marshal and his political ally continue to steer a nation already broken by their predecessors. The economy is in ruins, inflation has crushed the poor, and public trust in institutions is gone. The generals’ grip on power grows tighter even as their legitimacy collapses. They silence journalists, arrest opposition members, and crush every spark of dissent. Their rhetoric about Jammu Kashmir is merely a distraction from their failures at home.

The protests in PoJK mark a turning point. For decades, Pakistan claimed to speak for the people of Jammu Kashmir; now those very people are speaking for themselves and their words are not flattering to Islamabad. Their demands are simple: bread, light, water, dignity. Yet, for asking these, they are met with bullets. Their courage exposes the myth that Pakistan ever cared for Jammu Kashmiris. It never did it only cared for using their name to justify its militarism. The contrast between India and Pakistan could not be sharper. India, despite challenges, remains a democracy that values human life and human rights. Pakistan, under Asim Munir and Shehbaz Sharif, remains a military-run autocracy masquerading as a republic. The difference between the two is not just political it is moral. India’s restraint shows strength; Pakistan’s brutality shows fear. The self-proclaimed Field Marshal and his political puppet may continue to pretend they are steering Pakistan toward greatness, but in truth, they are the sailors of a sinking ship. Their arrogance blinds them to the truth that their ship is taking on water from every direction economic collapse, public unrest, international isolation, and moral bankruptcy. The bombs in Tirah Valley, the blood of protesters in PoJK, and the tears of mothers searching for disappeared sons in Balochistan all are reminders of how far Pakistan has fallen under their command. Pakistan’s double standards stand naked before the world. A country that kills its own people while preaching about freedom across the border has no moral ground left to stand on. Until Pakistan learns to value the lives of its own citizens from Tirah to Muzaffarabad it cannot claim to defend anyone else’s. The voices rising from PoJK are no longer whispers they are warnings. The sailors of Pakistan’s sinking ship may still cling to power, but the tide of truth is already turning against them.

Misuse of Security and Accommodation in Jammu & Kashmir: The Rise of Conflict Beneficiaries

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Jammu and Kashmir, a region often characterized by its complex socio-political landscape, has seen numerous individuals rise to prominence under the pretext of political activism. Over the years, the government has provided security and accommodation to these activists, recognizing the genuine threats they face. However, a concerning trend has emerged in which some of these individuals have exploited these provisions for personal gain, becoming what can only be described as beneficiaries of the ongoing conflict in the region. The government’s decision to provide security and accommodation to political activists in Jammu and Kashmir stems from a genuine need to protect those at risk. The region’s history of militancy and unrest has made such measures necessary to safeguard the lives of individuals who stand in the public eye, often at great personal risk. These provisions, funded by taxpayers, are meant to ensure that activists can continue their work without fear of violence or intimidation.

Unfortunately, the misuse of these government provisions has become alarmingly common. There are numerous cases of political activists in Jammu and Kashmir misusing the accommodations provided to them, turning them into personal assets or even subletting them for financial gain. Security personnel, intended to protect these individuals from genuine threats, are often relegated to performing domestic chores or other non-essential tasks, far removed from their actual duties.The exploitation doesn’t end with the misuse of resources; it extends into the very lives of the people these activists claim to represent. Under the pretext of helping the common people secure jobs or get their work done in government offices, these so-called activists have been running an elaborate scam. They promise employment or expedited services in exchange for money, exploiting the desperation of those who are struggling to make ends meet.These activists don’t hesitate to provide fake documents, deceiving people into believing that their work has been done, only for them to find out later that they’ve been cheated. In many cases, the people who fall victim to these scams have no recourse, as the activists leverage their government-provided security and political connections to avoid accountability.

This practice not only robs the public of their hard-earned money but also deepens the mistrust between the people and the government. The financial burden of providing security and accommodation to political activists in Jammu and Kashmir is significant. When these resources are misused, it represents a direct theft from the public purse. The money that could have been used to improve infrastructure, provide better healthcare, or enhance educational opportunities is instead funneled into supporting the lavish lifestyles of a select few. This misuse is a gross injustice to the people of Jammu and Kashmir, who continue to struggle with the daily challenges posed by the region’s instability.The time has come for the authorities in Jammu and Kashmir to take decisive action against those who have exploited their positions for personal gain. There must be a thorough and transparent inquiry into the misuse of security and accommodation provisions. The Jammu and Kashmir Police, in particular, should be called upon to investigate these allegations with the seriousness they deserve. Those found guilty of abusing their privileges and exploiting the public should face appropriate legal consequences. The police must also crack down on the issuance of fake documents and the exploitation of vulnerable individuals seeking assistance.Furthermore, there must be a concerted effort to restore the trust of the people in their political representatives. Public resources must be used for the benefit of all, not just a privileged few who have learned to manipulate the system to their advantage. By holding these conflict beneficiaries accountable, the government can begin to rebuild faith in its commitment to justice and equity.

The misuse of government-provided security and accommodation by political activists in Jammu and Kashmir is a pressing issue that cannot be ignored. It represents not only a betrayal of public trust but also a significant drain on the region’s already limited resources. These activists’ exploitation of the public, through fake promises and documents, is a gross violation of their duty to serve the people. The top brass of Jammu and Kashmir Police are urged to conduct a comprehensive inquiry into these abuses and to take swift action against those who have turned the region’s conflict into a personal profit-making venture. Only through such accountability can the integrity of the political process be preserved, and the rightful use of public funds ensured.

Decisive Retaliation: India’s Message to Terror Sponsors Across the Border Firm message to Pakistan, no tolerance for terrorism

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Editors Desk

Lt Gen Rajiv Ghai, India’s Director General of Military Operations, said on Tuesday that Pakistan likely lost more than 100 soldiers along the Line of Control during Operation Sindoor. He based this on a list of posthumous awards that Pakistan’s military released. He also repeated recent claims by India’s Chief of Air Staff, Air Chief Marshal A. P. Singh, that Pakistan lost at least 12 aircraft during the May fighting. Lt Gen Ghai added that the Indian Navy was ready to act, and if Pakistan had continued the attacks the situation could have become disastrous for Pakistan not only at sea but in other ways as well. Describing the clashes of May 7–10, Lt Gen Ghai said Pakistan began cross-border firing right after India struck nine terrorist targets on May 7. He suggested that Pakistan’s own awards list which came out on August 14 revealed a high number of posthumous medals and thus indicated heavy casualties on their side. He said India’s goal had been to hit terrorist infrastructure, not to escalate unless forced to. But Pakistan’s immediate firing after the strikes led to a wider confrontation. Lt Gen Ghai described Pakistan’s attempts to use drones against India as a failure. He said Pakistan used different types of drones to try to cause damage, even after the two countries’ DGMOs had talked, but those attacks failed. As a result of the drone and other attacks, the Indian Air Force carried out precision strikes on Pakistani installations on the night between May 9 and 10. Lt Gen Ghai said India damaged 11 air bases, hit eight airfields, three hangars and four radar sites, and destroyed Pakistani aircraft on the ground. He listed Pakistan’s losses as including one C-130 type transport aircraft, one AEW&C (airborne early warning) plane, and about four to five fighter jets. He also said there were aerial losses and noted a very long-range ground-to-air kill at more than 300 kilometres, which hit five advanced fighters. Operation Sindoor began on May 7 after the Pahalgam terror attack. India targeted terrorist infrastructure in Pakistani-controlled areas. The strikes led to four days of heavy fighting, which stopped after both sides agreed to halt military actions on May 10. Lt Gen Ghai also said India tracked down and killed the three terrorists who carried out the Pahalgam attack in June. He said it took 96 days of effort, but the Army kept searching until they were found and eliminated. When found, the terrorists appeared exhausted and malnourished, he added. Finally, Lt Gen Ghai said India has changed its approach to dealing with terror. He quoted the Prime Minister’s three key points, terror attacks are acts of war and will receive decisive retaliation; India will not be intimidated by nuclear threats; and there will be no distinction between terrorists and those who sponsor them.

Huh! Pakistan & her futile daydream over Kashmir

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Islamabad’s anger and embarrassment is understandable. Rawalpindi’s ill-considered decision to invest in the Afghan Taliban as a means to fulfill its ambition of creating ‘strategic depth’ in Afghanistan by orchestrating placement of a pliable regime in Kabul as a buffer against India has backfired. And Afghan Acting Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi’s recent visit to New Delhi and his anti-Pakistan statements only added insult to Islamabad’s wounds. While reacting to the joint statement issued during this visit, Pakistan’s Foreign Ministry mentioned that “it was conveyed that the reference to Jammu and Kashmir as part of India is in clear violation of the relevant UN Security Council resolutions and the legal status of Jammu and Kashmir.” Though an oft-repeated argument, Islamabad’s full of sound and fury statement merits a closer examination to ascertain the accuracy of the assertions contained therein.

A Ludicrous Narrative
Pakistan’s case on Kashmir is based on two arguments– One, J&K is ‘disputed territory’, and two, a plebiscite as envisaged in UNSC Resolution 47 needs to be held in order to ascertain the wishes of the Kashmiri people and determine whether they want to remain with India or become part of Pakistan. While it may assert that its stance on Kashmir is principled and in keeping with UNSC resolutions, the reality is that Islamabad’s Kashmir narrative is a mix of half-truths and selective
interpretation of UN resolutions.

Pakistan’s failure to garner support of the international community for its Kashmir narrative for more than seven-and-a half decades despite raising this issue on every conceivable occasion clearly indicates the inherent deficiency of compelling reasons in the same. So, let’s first examine Pakistan’s repetitive claim of J&K being “disputed territory” and thereafter the issue of plebiscite in J&K.

“Disputed Territory”?
A piece of real estate becomes disputed when its ownership is uncertain. The erstwhile ruler of J&K signed the Instrument of Accession in favour of India and being a legal document, it made this kingdom an integral part of India. The fact that legality of J&K’s accession to India has never ever been questioned by the UNSC clearly proves that this region is very much an integral part of India. Yet, Pakistan wants the world to believe that J&K is deemed “disputed territory” by UNSC.

As long as the ownership title of any disputed real estate remains unclear, the parties claiming rights over it don’t have any legal rights to make any arbitrary transactions related to such property. However, while Pakistan vociferously maintains that J&K is “disputed territory,” it has nevertheless unilaterally ceded the 5,200 square km Shaksgam Tract [which is part of J&K] to China under the Sino-Pakistan Agreement of 1963. By doing so, hasn’t Pakistan demolished its own claim of J&K being “disputed territory”?

Furthermore, if J&K is a UNSC designated “disputed territory,” then how did Pakistan enter into an agreement with Beijing to develop the China Pakistan Economic Corridor [CPEC] through Pakistan-occupied Jammu & Kashmir [PoJK], without seeking explicit prior permission of UN? Doesn’t this action rip apart Islamabad’s contention of J&K being a “disputed territory”?

Plebiscite
Whereas UNSC Resolution 47 does mention conduct of a plebiscite in J&K, this exercise is contingent on the following mandatory pre-requisites required to be fulfilled by the Government of Pakistan:
* “To secure the withdrawal from the State of Jammu and Kashmir of tribesmen and Pakistani nationals not normally resident therein who have entered the State for the purpose of fighting, and to prevent any intrusion into the State of such elements and any furnishing of material aid to those fighting in the State.”
* “To make known to all concerned that the measures indicated in this and the following paragraphs provide full freedom to all subjects of the State, regardless of creed, caste, or party, to express their views and to vote on the question of the accession of the State, and that therefore they should co-operate in the maintenance of peace and order.”

Pakistan has not only refused to withdraw non-residents from PoJK but has even changed the demography of this area by encouraging non-Kashmiris to settle here. Thus, we have a situation where on the one hand Islamabad keeps clamouring for a plebiscite in J&K, but on the other hand refuses to implement the first pre-condition for facilitating a plebiscite.

Next is the pre-requisite of ensuring “full freedom to all subjects of the State, regardless of creed, caste, or party, to express their views and to vote on the question of the accession of the State.” Para 7[2] of PoJK constitution stipulates that “No person or political party in ‘Azad Jammu and Kashmir’ shall be permitted to propagate against, or take part in activities prejudicial or detrimental to, the ideology of the State’s accession to Pakistan.”

When the PoJK constitution specifically criminalizes expressing any views against the ideology of PoJK’s accession to Pakistan, isn’t it delusional to expect that PoJK citizens will have ‘full freedom’ to express their choice while participating in the plebiscite?

Reality Check
It was Islamabad’s unsuccessful attempt to internationalise the Kashmir issue by trying to project abrogation of Article 370 by India as a brazen violation of UN resolutions on Kashmir that showed Pakistan the mirror. While its efforts to seek UN intervention failed miserably, Pakistan’s own leaders and its International Court of Justice [ICJ] barrister openly admitted that Islamabad’s contention had no merit.

Readers would recall that even before the UNSC took a decision on Islamabad’s demand that New Delhi should revoke abrogation of Article 370, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi asked his countrymen not to “live in the fool paradise” because UNSC members “are not waiting with garlands in their hands.” And his prognosis was bang-on!

Similarly, after Islamabad announced that it would take the Article 370 abrogation issue to ICJ, Pakistan’s advocate at ICJ Khawar Qureshi admitted that “In the absence of these pieces of evidence [of genocide in J&K], it is extremely difficult for Pakistan to take this case to ICJ. That Islamabad finally decided against taking this issue to ICJ validates its legally untenable position on Kashmir.

Rawalpindi’s ‘Remedy’
Pakistan Army chief Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir’s brag that “Pakistan has already fought three wars for Kashmir, and if ten more wars are required, Pakistan will fight them,” raises a very pertinent question that strikes down Pakistan’s so-called principled position on Kashmir.

If Pakistan’s stand on Kashmir is indeed principled and in keeping with UNSC resolutions on Kashmir [which envisages peaceful resolution of this issue], then where was the need for the Pakistan Army to barefacedly violate the same by waging three unsuccessful wars with the aim of wresting control of J&K through force of arms?

And when Rawalpindi unilaterally violated UNSC resolutions calling for peaceful resolution of the Kashmir issue in 1965 by undertaking a full scale military offensive [Operation Gibraltar] in a bid to annex Kashmir, didn’t Pakistan lose the moral right to invoke UNSC resolutions?

Pakistan’s Predicament
The Field Marshal’s remark of fighting “ten more wars” for J&K, if required, is an unambiguous acceptance of two facts. One, Islamabad’s Kashmir narrative is too feeble to convince the international community and so, military means is the only way forward to fulfill Pakistan’s nearly eight-decade old unfulfilled dream. Two, it’s beyond the Pakistan Army’s capability to seize J&K, and as it has no other option but to wage as many as ten wars for this purpose and that too without the guarantee of any success.

Every prime minister and army chief of Pakistan has been feeding citizens with the highly addictive “Kashmir banega Pakistan” [Kashmir will become part of Pakistan] opiate to divert public attention from the humongous governance and military failures of the country’s army-run government.

Unfortunately for Pakistan, while its diplomatic offensive on Kashmir has made no headway, the army has an abysmal operational record of not one but three unsuccessful attempts to seize J&K. Under such adverse circumstances, both Islamabad and Rawalpindi have no other option but to raise the Kashmir issue at the drop of a hat, believing the assertion of Adolf Hitler’s Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels that “If you tell a lie big enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually come to believe it”!

Fight drug abuse in Jammu & Kashmir, eliminate narco-terrorism

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In Jammu and Kashmir, a silent war is being fought — and this war is to save the future of children and youth. The region is facing a serious drug crisis. More than 13.5 lakh people are using drugs, including about 1.68 lakh children between the ages of 10 and 17. This is not just a health problem; it is also linked to narco-terrorism, where drugs are used to harm society and create unrest.

Police officers say that parents play the most important role in saving their children from addiction. They are the first line of defence. The fight is difficult, but it can be won if families, communities, and authorities work together. Real change begins at home and grows through society. The situation is getting worse. Along with traditional drugs, many people are now misusing painkillers and other medicines like tapentadol and tramadol, and even animal drugs. These substances are cheaper, easy to get, and harder to detect.

De-addiction centres such as the Institute of Mental Health and Neurosciences (IMHANS) in Srinagar receive 5 to 10 new patients every day. Years of conflict, unemployment, and hopelessness have made young people more vulnerable to this problem. Parents are the strongest shield against drug abuse. A loving and understanding relationship between parents and children can protect them from drugs.

Parents should talk openly with their children about how drugs can destroy health, education, and family life. They should also look for warning signs like changes in friends, poor school performance, secretive behaviour, or sudden need for money. Simple daily habits like eating meals together, knowing your child’s friends, and spending time with them can make a big difference.

Children who feel loved and supported are less likely to fall into addiction. However, parents cannot fight this battle alone. Narco-terrorism is a much bigger threat, and drugs are being used to fund terrorism and destroy the social fabric of society. Everyone must come together to fight this menace. Schools and colleges should include lessons on mental health, awareness, and how to handle stress. Religious and community leaders should also talk about this issue in mosques, temples, and community centres. Training programs like those at IMHANS, where imams and scholars are taught to spread awareness, can help reduce stigma and guide people in the right direction.

Law enforcement must continue to take strict action against drug peddlers and smugglers, while the government should open more rehabilitation centres, especially for women who often suffer silently. Some data and comprehensive plans are required to fight this menace. We need clear data on where drugs are most common, who is affected, and which drugs are spreading fastest.

Regular surveys, hospital records, and police data should be used to map the hotspots. Based on this information, practical plans must be made, more and better rehabilitation centres, mobile treatment units for remote areas, targeted school programs, training for teachers, helplines, and support for families. Plans should also include job training and small business support so young people have lawful ways to earn a living. Women-only services and safe spaces must be part of every plan.

Coordination between health services, police, schools, religious bodies, and local communities is essential for these plans to work. The fight against drugs in Jammu and Kashmir is a fight for the soul of the region. The future of an entire generation is at stake. If we act now with compassion, clear data, and strong plans, we can save countless lives. For parents, your love, time, and guidance can save your child. For society, we must replace silence with awareness and judgment with understanding. Every child saved from drugs is a victory for the family, the community, and the nation.