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Balochistan: The Land of the “Disappeared”

Nilesh Kunwar
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Balochistan: The Land of the “Disappeared”

Mainstreaming Enforced Disappearances
The AI overview of a Google search for ‘the land of the disappeared’ states, “Balochistan, a province of Pakistan, is referred to as the “Land of the Disappeared” due to widespread forced disappearances and extrajudicial killings by the country’s security forces, particularly targeting activists and political opponents in the region.” It further mentions that “While there are also other instances of “disappeared” peoples and places, such as in Sri Lanka’s civil war or Turkey’s Kurdish provinces, the term most frequently and directly refers to Balochistan, according to news reports and human rights organizations [Emphasis added]. 

So, on the International Day of the Disappeared, saying a silent prayer for the hapless Baloch people subjected to enforced disappearance by the Pakistani security forces is but natural. Human Rights Watch [HRW] in its 2011 report on Enforced Disappearances by Pakistan Security forces in Balochistan quotes 76-year old secretary-general of the Baloch Republican Party Bashir Azeem, being told by a Pakistani official during his unacknowledged detention in April 2010 that “Even if the president or chief justice tells us to release you, we won’t. We can torture you, or kill you, or keep you for years at our will. It is only the Army chief and the [intelligence] chief that we obey.”

While this revelation may sound melodramatic to the uninitiated, it nevertheless truthfully exposes the unending scourge of enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings being perpetrated on the hapless Baloch people by the Pakistan Army and intelligence agencies under its command.

In fact, Pakistan Army’s direct involvement in brazenly pulling off enforced disappearances has been publicly acknowledged by none other than the Director General [DG] of its media wing Inter Services Public Relations [ISPR]. During a media interaction session in April 2019, when queried by senior journalist Hamid Mir on enforced disappearances in Balochistan, the then DGISPR Maj Gen Asif Ghafoor mockingly replied, “We know you have a great attachment to missing persons [but] we too have [the same].” Maj Gen Ghafoor also unashamedly accepted the Pakistan Army’s direct complicity in orchestrating enforced disappearances by saying, “We don’t want any person to go missing, but where there’s a war, you have to do a number of [undesirable] things. He even had the gall to justify this vile practice saying that, “All’s fair in love and war; wars are very ruthless.” The fact that despite displaying such a depraved mindset, the DGISPR was still promoted to the rank of a three-star General clearly indicates that for Rawalpindi, disappearing Baloch people is kosher!

A Harrowing Case
Enforced disappearances in Balochistan are so rampant that this burgeoning humongous human tragedy has today been reduced to mere statistics. While every incident of enforced disappearance is heart-rending, some cases are utterly outrageous and downright nauseating and one such case is that of Zarina Marri, who if still alive would today be 43-years-old.

Belonging to Kahan, a remote village in the Kohlu district of Balochistan, Zarina was employed as a school teacher at Government Middle School in Kahan. She was just 23-years-old when she along with her small child were whisked away by Pakistani security forces in 2006. Two decades have since elapsed but the current whereabouts of both and physical condition of the mother and child remain unknown.

Like many other such incidents, Zarina’s enforced disappearance too would have faded from public memory had her harrowing plight while in military detention not been revealed by a former Baloch prisoner Munir Mengal who was arrested from Karachi airport in April 2006. Desirous of launching a satellite Baloch TV station in Dubai, Mengal fell afoul of President Pervez Musharraf by refusing to scrap this project and was held for more than a year in a Pakistan Army’s Military Intelligence [MI] run facility called Military Security Services Unit No 202 located inside Malir army cantonment on the outskirts of Karachi. 

A Baloch woman protesting against the illegal detention of Zarina Marri. Pakistan Army arrested Zarina Marri, a 23 year old school teacher, in 2006. Zarina Marri continues to be Pakistani jail till date. (Photo: News Intervention)

After his release, Mengal managed to flee Pakistan and after relocating in Europe, narrated a harrowing experience of his encounter with Zarina Marri during January 2007 while in MI detention to both the International Committee of the Red Cross and Reporters without Borders. He disclosed that on that fateful night the military guards brought a young woman to his cell and after ordering him to rape this woman left them alone. When Mengel saw the trembling and weeping woman praying for her child in Balochi language, he assured her that no harm would come to her from him. Reassured, this lady identified herself as Zarina Marri and told Mengal that she was a teacher who had been arrested on suspicion of being associated with the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) and had been sexually abused repeatedly by Pakistan Army personnel while in custody. This was the first and last time Mengel met Zarina.

Barefaced Denial
Issuing rebuttals is a commonly used ploy to wriggle out of embarrassing incidents. However, the Pakistan Army chooses to outrightly deny the very occurrence of such an incident in order to avoid exposing its complicity and there are many examples of this. In order to conceal the role of the Pakistan Army’s involvement in the 1999 Kargil War, didn’t Rawalpindi refuse to accept the mortal remains of its rank and file killed in combat? And by saying that the 1971 Indo-Pak war that led to the dismemberment of Pakistan was a “political and not military failure,” didn’t former PakistanAarmy chief Gen Qamar Javed
Bajwa attempt to deny the undeniable?

So it’s not surprising that Hamid Mir’s recent post on X rekindling discomforting memories of Zarina’s enforced disappearance has prompted Rawalpindi to use two women ministers from Balochistan to deny reports of her enforced disappearance by the Pakistan Army in 2005. In a hurriedly called press conference, Balochistan’s education minister Raheela Hameed Khan Durrani expectedly used the famous ‘Rawalpindi maneuver’ by contending that a lady teacher by this name never existed on the teaching staff roster of Kahan [Kohlu] Government Middle School!

However, if those behind her abduction think that by declaring that a thorough review of the Balochistan education department’s record “found no trace that any teacher by the name of Zarina Marri was employed in Kohlu [Kahan]” and thinking that the people would believe that her abduction never occurred thus putting a closure on the two decade old enforced disappearance case, then they are sadly mistaken.

Undeniable Proofs
There’s abundant evidence to confirm that enforced disappearances is a commonly used ‘anti-terrorism’ strategy indiscriminately used by the Pakistan Army. In its statement titled Pakistan: Young women held in military torture cells and forced into sexual slavery dated January 11, 2009, Asian Human Rights commission [AHRC] contains some damning revelations.

It confirms that “Ms. Zarina Marri, a 23-year-old schoolteacher from Balochistan province, was arrested in late 2005, and has been held incommunicado in an army torture cell at Karachi, the capital of Sindh province.” The report also reveals that “She has been repeatedly raped by the military officers and is being used as a sex slave, to induce arrested nationalist activists to sign state-concocted confessions.

The statement also discloses that “Another Balochi nationalist [name omitted by request], who was arrested by the military intelligence agency twice and kept in military cells in different cities, has confirmed to the AHRC that there were young Balochi females seen at those two torture cells, naked and in distress.” 

Amnesty International in its 2022 report titled Braving the Storm: Enforced Disappearances and the Right to Protest in Pakistan mentions, “On 29 May 2022, the Islamabad High Court, hearing a case of six enforced disappearances, issued an order to serve notice on former president Retired Gen Pervez Musharraf and all other former and incumbent prime ministers, including former Prime Minister Imran Khan and the current Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif. The High Court ordered them to submit affidavits explaining why they should not be tried for breaching the Constitution for their “undeclared tacit approval of the policy regarding enforced disappearances” [Emphasis added].

Global Apathy
In May 2010, while commenting on the establishment of the country’s Commission of Inquiry for Missing Persons, Pakistan’s Supreme Court Judge Justice Javed Iqbal acknowledged that “Disappearances of people of Balochistan are the most burning issue in the country” adding that “Due to this issue, the situation in Balochistan is at its worst.” In April 2019 DGISPR accepted that enforced disappearances were one of the “[undesirable] things” that had to be done during “war.”

In April 2022, during his maiden visit to Balochistan Pakistan’s present Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif admitted that enforced disappearances were rampant by telling the Baloch people that “Today, I’m making a promise. I will speak for missing persons along with you.” And by saying that “We will raise the issue with powerful quarters, and we will talk to them on the basis of law, justice and merit,” [Emphasis added], he left no room for any doubt that the Pakistan Army was behind enforced disappearances.

So, on this International Day of the Disappeared, it’s time for the international community to introspect on why it has been maintaining a stoic silence all along on enforced disappearances in Balochistan despite acknowledgement of this Pakistanis holding high office openly acknowledging the same. We need to ask ourselves- don’t the kith and kin of the thousands of Baloch people forcibly disappeared by the Pakistan Army deserve to know the whereabouts of their loved ones and also whether they are alive or not?

Will US budge on tariffs or let India swing to Eurasia at the SCO summit?

Brig Brijesh Pandey (Retd.)
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Will US budge on tariffs or let India swing to Eurasia at the SCO summit?

Every barrel of oil that sails from Russia to India, every Yuan or Ruble swapped outside the dollar and every handshake between India and India-China-Russia tells a story. Outcome of these stories is — tariffs that were meant to isolate, ignited a hidden convergence. Tariffs supposed to be walls became a bridge. As leaders gather in Beijing for the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit, the stakes are far higher than the agenda printed on the official program. The SCO has increasingly become a litmus test for global power shifts, and this year all eyes are on India. The question is not only how New Delhi plays its hand, but also how Washington reacts. For the United States, the clock is ticking — it has barely 48 hours to decide whether to re-calibrate its approach or risk India hedging decisively towards Eurasia.

A Summit Bigger than Its Agenda
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), founded in 2001 by China, Russia, and four Central Asian republics, has steadily grown in influence. With the entry of India and Pakistan in 2017 and Iran in 2023, the grouping now represents nearly 40% of the global population and close to 30% of global GDP. While it is not a military alliance like NATO, it provides an alternative platform for economic, security, and cultural cooperation rooted in Eurasian identity. Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi recently described SCO as “the backbone of the multi-polar world order.” Unlike the QUAD, which reflects a maritime democratic alliance, the SCO is continental, economic, and security oriented. Its power lies in symbolism — a counterweight to
Western dominance.

From Tariffs to Trust Deficit: The US–India Story
India’s relationship with the US has oscillated between cooperation and confrontation. Several episodes highlight how Washington often treats New Delhi more transitionally than strategically.
* Tariff Wars (2018–19): The Trump administration imposed tariffs on Indian steel and aluminum, prompting India to retaliate with duties on 28 American products, including California almonds and Washington apples. Trump famously declared at the G20: “India is the tariff king.”
* CAATSA Sanctions Threat (2019): India’s decision to buy Russian S-400 air defense systems invited threats of US sanctions. Yet, New Delhi stood firm. Washington eventually issued a waiver, underscoring India’s leverage.
* Visa Restrictions: H1B clampdowns under Trump hurt the Indian IT sector, eroding goodwill.

Each instance reinforced a pattern. Washington’s approach often appears conditional, pushing India into a balancing act rather than a partnership of trust.

India’s Strategic Autonomy in Action
India has long championed “strategic autonomy,” and recent events prove it is more than rhetoric.
* Russian Oil Purchases: From just 1% of imports in 2021, Russian crude now makes up over 38% of India’s basket. By buying discounted oil, India saves an estimated $5–7 billion annually, insulating its economy from global shocks.
* Jaishankar’s Moscow Visit (Nov 2022): With characteristic bluntness, India’s foreign minister reminded Europe: “Europe must grow out of the mindset that its problems are the world’s problems.”
* BRICS Summit 2023 (South Africa): India championed issues of the global south, from digital public goods to sustainable finance, signaling it would not be overshadowed by either Beijing or Washington.
This independence makes India a rare “swing power” in world politics — not fully Western, not fully Eurasian.

Why the Next 24 Hours Matter
Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summits are not static conferences. They are moments of fast-paced diplomacy, where bilateral and multilateral deals get stitched into the joint communiqué. In the next two days, India could:
* Sign new energy and infrastructure deals with Russia, Iran, and Kazakhstan.
* Accelerate work on the International North–South Transport Corridor (INSTC), linking Indian ports to Russia via Iran.
* Deepen commitments to Chinese or Eurasian-led financial mechanisms, particularly if Washington continues pressure tactics.

The Chabahar Port Agreement with Iran (2024) stands as a precedent. Despite American objections, India signed a 10-year pact, signaling it will defy pressure when strategic imperatives demand.

The American Dilemma
Washington faces a tough choice.
* Treat India as a junior partner expected to align against Russia and China.
* Or embrace India as an independent pole in a multi-polar order.
The dilemma is visible in India’s “dual citizenship” of global blocs. In the Quad, India partners with the US, Japan, and Australia on Indo-Pacific issues. In the SCO, it sits with Russia, China, Iran, and even Pakistan. This duality strengthens India but frustrates Washington.

To “budge,” the US must move beyond tariffs and transactionalizm. It could:
* Drop tariffs on Indian exports like steel and IT services.
* Fast-track defense co-production (e.g., GE jet engines, MQ-9 drones).
* Share technologies in AI, semiconductors, and clean energy.
* Expand market access for Indian pharma and textiles.
If Washington stalls, India will lean deeper into SCO, BRICS+, and the Eurasian Economic Union.

What’s at Stake Globally
* For the US: Alienating India risks conceding Eurasia to a China–Russia axis, weakening its Indo-Pacific strategy.
* For India: Playing both sides boosts bargaining power, ensuring energy security, defense balance, and strategic space.
* For China: Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) validates its leadership in a non-Western order.
* For Russia: India remains a vital buyer of energy and a partner in resisting Western sanctions.

Despite their differences, even adversaries use the SCO to keep dialogue alive — exemplified by the Modi–Xi handshake at Samarkand (2022) or Putin–Modi meetings during the Ukraine war.

The Final Countdown
The SCO Summit is not about ceremonial photo-ops or bland communiqués. It is about whether the world’s largest democracy asserts its weight in a bloc dominated by authoritarian powers — and how the US chooses to respond. The clock is ticking. In the next 48 hours, Washington can either show flexibility or watch India hedge further into a Eurasian order it cannot control. And in geopolitics, once the clock runs out, opportunities rarely return.

‘The Resistance Front’ designated as Foreign Terrorist Organization: What lies ahead for India?  

Brig Brijesh Pandey (Retd.)
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‘The Resistance Front’ designated as Foreign Terrorist Organization: What lies ahead for India?  

The recent designation of The Resistance Front (TRF) as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) marks a significant development in India’s ongoing battle against Pakistan-sponsored terrorism. The Resistance Front (TRF), widely recognized as a proxy of the proscribed Pakistan-based outfit Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), carried out a horrific terror attack in Pahalgam, resulting in the tragic loss of 26 lives. This gruesome incident triggered a calibrated and multi-domain response from New Delhi, signaling a robust assertion of national will through the lens of Grey Zone warfare. 

India’s retaliatory measures spanned a comprehensive spectrum-military retribution through Operation Sindoor, economic signalling by invoking clauses to suspend the Indus Waters Treaty, global information operations to expose Pakistan’s duplicity, and finally, diplomatic manoeuvres that led to TRF’s inclusion in the U.S. Department of State’s Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) list. These layered responses underscore a notable evolution in India’s national security doctrine a shift from reactive posturing to proactive deterrence. 

Decades of Proxy War: A Brief Rewind 
Since 1989, India has endured a relentless proxy war waged by Pakistan, resulting in thousands of deaths among civilians and security personnel. Lacking the capability to match India in conventional military terms, Islamabad adopted an asymmetric strategy. This included cross-border terrorism, radicalization networks, and the use of non-state actors as instruments of state policy. 

From the 1999 Kargil War, the 2001 Indian Parliament attack, the 2008 Mumbai carnage, to the 2016 Pathankot incident, these episodes exemplify the trauma inflicted by Pakistan’s proxy strategy. For long, New Delhi’s responses were restrained, shaped largely by concerns over narrow conventional differential, nuclear escalation and international pressure. 

Pakistan banked on the perceived limitations of India’s conventional response, believing that nuclear deterrence, coupled with strategic collusion with China, would deter India from crossing the Line of Control (LOC) or engaging in decisive retaliation. 

Post-2014 Shift: Building Capacity and Strategic Resolve 
The emergence of a strong central government in 2014 catalyzed a paradigm shift. India began steadily enhancing its capabilities across the DIME-PT (Diplomatic, Informational, Military, Economic, Political, and Technological) framework. A new national security posture was silently taking shape, one that married intent with capacity. 

This transformation was first visible after the 2016 Uri terror attack. Within less than two weeks, Indian Special Forces conducted surgical strikes across the LoC, targeting terror launch pads. It was a pivotal moment—the first time India publicly acknowledged a cross- border counter-terror operation. When Pakistan failed to heed that signal and responded with the Pulwama attack in February 2019, India upped the ante with the Balakot airstrike, a deep-penetration strike inside Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, targeting a Jaish-e-Mohammed training facility. The myth that India would never breach Pakistani airspace was shattered. 

The high-stakes standoff that followed, particularly the capture and prompt return of Wing Commander (now Group Captain) Abhinandan Varthaman, demonstrated the maturity of India’s political and military will and the rising cost of aggression for Pakistan. 

2019-2020: Strategic Reorientation in Full Display 
The abrogation of Article 370 and Article 35A in August 2019 was another strategic landmark. By fully integrating Jammu and Kashmir into the Indian Union, India signalled that any external interference would be met with constitutional, political, and military resolve. Predictably, the move provoked concern in both Islamabad and Beijing. 

China’s provocation in Eastern Ladakh in May 2020 led to the deadly Galwan Valley clashes. However, the Indian Army’s response that was resolute, professional and proportionate, demonstrated the maturity of India’s new war doctrine. India stood firm on its territorial claims while diplomatically isolating Beijing and boosting military readiness along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). 

2025 and Beyond: Bharat’s Expanding Military and Diplomatic Arsenal 
By 2025, Bharat has matured into a formidable power with both conventional and sub-conventional capabilities. The armed forces have significantly enhanced their prowess across land, air, maritime, space, and cyber domains. Indigenous advancements in defense technology have allowed India to conduct precise, high-impact Military Operations Other Than War (MOOTW). 

Operation Sindoor, a landmark operation post-Pahalgam attack, showcased India’s capability to conduct integrated, multi-domain retaliation. Not only did it punish the perpetrators, but it also served as a showcase for Indian-made weapons and systems-prompting interest from several foreign governments seeking similar capabilities. 

The strategic signaling was clear: Terrorism against India will be treated as an act of war, the response will come at a time, place, and scale chosen by New Delhi. 

Global Support and Strategic Legitimacy 
India’s diplomatic push in the wake of the Pahalgam tragedy was aimed not just at isolating Pakistan, but at building global consensus around the dangers of hybrid terrorism. The United States’ designation of The Resistance Front (TRF) as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) is a direct consequence of that effort. 

This move carries significant implications: 
* It delegitimizes TRF and its handlers internationally. 
* It allows India and its partners to block funding, freeze assets, and prosecute those linked to the group. 
* It strengthens India’s legal and military justification for future counter-terror operations—even across borders and more lethal than the Operation Sindoor. 

While Pakistan may not be explicitly named, the intent is unmistakable: India now reserves the right to strike sponsors and enablers of terror with impunity. 

Conclusion: A New Normal in Indian National Security 
The listing of The Resistance Front (TRF) as a Foreign Terrorist Organization is not just a symbolic win; it’s a culmination of years of quite capacity-building, political will, and strategic recalibration. It reflects Bharat’s emergence as a nation that no longer tolerates asymmetric coercion. India’s responses now operate across the full continuum of national power-military, economic, diplomatic, informational, and technological. 

While military operations may be temporarily paused, the broader campaign to neutralize threats, expose enablers, and rewrite the rules of engagement continues. As Prime Minister Modi asserted, India will respond to any terror attack not with passivity but with calibrated, decisive force on its own terms. The message is clear: Bharat will not just defend itself—it will deter, disrupt, and dominate. 

Manzoor Pashteen slams Pak Army for killing Pashtun children, urges youth to fight back

News Intervention Bureau
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Manzoor Pashteen slams Pak Army for killing Pashtun children, urges youth to fight back

Manzoor Pashteen slammed Pakistan Army for murdering Pashtun children in cold blood at Afghanistan and in Waziristan, describes Rawalpindi’s cowardly action as ‘worst form of terrorism’. The Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) leader urged Pashtun youth to get ready to fight against Pakistani regime’s oppression and planned genocide.

“Killing children is not an anti-terrorist operation, it is itself the worst form of terrorism. Every institution in Pakistan is a slave of the Pak Army,” said Manzoor Pashteen in his social media post. Manzoor Pashteen detailed the name and ages of children killed in targeted Pakistan Army operations during the last couple of days at Khost and Nangarhar in Afghanistan and at Mir Ali in Waziristan. A two-year-old child Anas was killed when the Pak Army’s drone quadcopter dropped bombs at Mir Ali in North Waziristan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Similarly, during the bombings at Khost and Nangarhar six Pashtun children were killed.

Pakistan Army killed two year old Anas in a targeted drone attack at Mir Ali in North Waziristan. This indiscriminate bombing is undertaken in the name of “security operations” against armed groups across Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Ironically, these armed groups are the pawns created by GHQ Rawalpindi to create unrest in Pashtunistan. Thereafter, in the name of “security operations” Pakistani armed forces target innocent Pashtuns in order to drive them away from their homeland. (Photo: News Intervention)

“Killings Pashtuns, imprisoning innocents, disappearing innocent people, forming armed organizations to spread unrest and then carrying out military operations in the name of maintaining peace. This is all terrorism,” lamented Manzoor Pashteen. He further added that it is the duty of every Pashtun to launch a continuous campaign to question the world media about the lack of coverage about these inhumane and cruel killings. “We are calling on all the (Pashtun) youth to be ready to fight against the oppression of Pashtoon Afghans and if you can’t do anything else, at least raise your voice,” urged the Pahstun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) leader.

In fact, the entire Pashtunistan is grappling with bomb blasts and targeted killings by the Pakistani forces. The Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) estimates that over 75,500 Pashtuns have been killed in violent attacks by the Pakistani regime across Pashtunistan and around 7,600 Pashtuns have been forcefully abducted who remain “missing” till date. The targeted kidnappings in Wana, the deteriorating conditions in Tirah, Azam Warsak, Janikhel, Bajaur and other areas across Pashtunistan is all part of a treacherous plan of the Pakistan Army. As the law and order worsens in these areas the GHQ Rawalpindi announces anti-terrorist operations in the name of national security, in reality, however, this becomes a way to terrorize the local Pashtun population, drive them away and loot the natural resources of Pashtunistan.

Pakistan Army’s new-found policy to eliminate Pashtuns silently and steadily is an effort to curb all dissent and resistance in Pashtunistan in order to loot mineral resources and marble wealth spread across Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Several industry estimates suggest that Pashtunistan has massive reserves of marble, granite, chromite, manganese, nephrite, garnet, quartz and emeralds that is worth billions of dollars. Whenever Pashtuns oppose the plunder of their resources Rawalpindi announces ‘security operations’ from Waziristan to Bajaur. These unannounced ‘security raids’ are conducted to forcibly displace Pashtuns from their homes and homeland and seize control of their land and resources.

Pak Army bombs Pashtun homes in Khost and Nangarhar, kills children

News Intervention Bureau
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Pak Army bombs Pashtun homes in Khost and Nangarhar, kills children

The Pakistan Army on Wednesday bombed unarmed civilian Pashtun houses in the Khost and Nangarhar provinces in Afghanistan killing Pashtun children and seriously injuring several others. The governor’s offices in Afghanistan’s Khost and Nangarhar provinces condemned the drone strikes and subsequent Pashtun deaths, saying both these drone strikes were unprovoked attacks on civilians.

An official at the Nangarhar governor said that Pakistani drones attacked the house of Shahswar, a civilian Pashtun, in the 28 Wyala area of Shinwari district injuring three children and a woman. Pakistani drones also bombed the house of Pashtun civilian Haji Naeem Khan in the Sur Kakh area of Spera district in Khost killing three children and injuring several women and men. 

The Pakistani regime has been killing Pashtuns on both sides of the Durand Line in the name of fighting terrorism. However, the real aim of GHQ Rawalpindi is to “control” Pashtuns through these strikes such that Field Marshal Asim Munir can continue to use Pashtuns as cannon fodder like his predecessors. Over the last seven decades Pak Army generals have exploited Pashtuns in the name of Islamic jihad while keeping them poor, uneducated and backward. Of late, Pashtuns have understood the dirty games of Rawalpindi and Islamabad and refuse to dance to their tunes. This has infuriated the Pakistani regime, and it has waged an undeclared war against Pashtuns.

China-Pak military collusion is nothing new, yet India needs to be vigilant

Nilesh Kunwar
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China-Pak military collusion is nothing new, yet India needs to be vigilant

Unwarranted Sensationalism
While the revelation that China had provided real-time military intelligence to Pakistan during Operation Sindoor, the issue of Sino-Pak collusiveness has taken centre stage. While this isn’t an overnight development, but just to score brownie points, some political interests have unfortunately tried to portray it thus, claiming that their warnings on this critical issue were ignored by the government.  

This motivated allegation clearly suggests that clear indications of the conspicuous Sino-Pak nexus and consequent possibility of a two-front war was disregarded or downplayed by those concerned. It has expectedly created suspicions in the minds of many, with some even questioning the basic professional competence of those responsible for drawing up the country’s defence plans and foreign policy.

Friends and Interests
Whereas the simple “There are no permanent friends or enemies in geopolitics, only permanent interests” adage explains why nations behave the way they do, “The enemy of my enemy is my friend” maxim accurately explicates how common interests can forge an alliance against an adversary. Since both Beijing and Islamabad have an axe to grind with New Delhi, the emergence of an anti-India Sino-Pak nexus is but natural.

So, while one can appreciate Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi’s contention that “India’s biggest foreign policy challenge has been to keep Pakistan and China separated” and his emotional “But we failed, and they have destroyed the Indian foreign policy” lament, but isn’t assuming that diplomacy can prevent convergence of mutual interests of two countries a case of great expectations?

And with Indian National Congress [INC] Party member and the then Indian Defence Minister AK Antony himself admitting way back in November 2009 that “The nexus between China and Pakistan in the military sphere remains an area of great concern,” for the INC to now suggest that Sino-Pak collusivity is a sudden development and going about crying “foul” is both brazen and unwarranted politicisation of a national security issue.

For the Record
Since armies the world over plan and prepare themselves to fight and win in the ‘worst case scenario’, it’s but natural that the Indian armed forces have always factored-in the inevitable likelihood of Sino-Pak military collusion in its war plans. Similarly, diplomats and analysts too have been labouring on this issue ad nauseam. 
A few illustrative examples:
* One of the reasons why the then Indian army chief Gen [Later Field Marshal] SFHJ [Sam] Manekshaw delayed the 1971 war for the liberation of Bangladesh until December was to ensure that China could not come to Pakistan’s assistance by opening a new front as winter snow would have rendered mountain passes along the Sino-Indian border impassable.
* As early as 1986, the then Indian army chief Gen K Sundarji released Indian army’s Perspective Plan 2000 – a 15 year military vision document that addressed the issue of Sino-Pak military collusivity and recommended “offensive deterrence” against Pakistan by making territorial gains and “dissuasive deterrence” against China by adopting a forward defensive posture by occupying dominant terrain to ensure India’s territorial integrity.
* In a piece published in 2012, India’s former Foreign Secretary and Padma Shri awardee Kanwal Sibal had prognosed that “Pakistan is determined to confront India, and China is intent on giving Pakistan the means and the confidence to continue this confrontation,” adding that “We now have the problematic situation of having two nuclear powers on our borders, with both collaborating with each other to put constraints on India.” He had even drawn attention to the fact that “China has stepped up its presence in POK even as it has begun to question implicitly our sovereignty over J&K.”
* In 2017, the then Indian army chief Gen Bipin Rawat spoke about the inevitability of India having to fight a two-and-a-half front war- China and Pakistan being the two main fronts with internal threats representing the half front.

Actions Not Rhetoric Needed
In an interview with Hindustan Times editor-in-chief Shahi Shekar during the Kargil war, Indian army chief Gen VP Malik had said, “National security is the biggest issue. It is a matter of great sadness that our political parties are publicly raising their fingers on the issue of national security. Of course, raising questions is your right, but instead of doing it publicly, discuss it in the meeting, it would do more good.”

Isn’t the angst of a former army chief precipitated by petty politicking on national security matters justified? And doesn’t his simple suggestion to undertake meaningful discussions rather than engage in open-ended verbal slugfests make perfect sense? Hence, the ubiquitous threat of Sino-Pak military collusivity needs to be unitedly addressed by all political parties in a constructive way with the due diligence that it deserves.

Since China enjoys an overwhelming quantitative and qualitative superiority in terms of military assets vis a vis India, creating a credible deterrent capability is both an extremely capital intensive and time-consuming process. Many opine that China’s top leadership is mature enough not to engage in a direct confrontation with India, and this viewpoint definitely has merit. Unfortunately, the same can’t be said about Pakistan where the military never tires of flexing its muscles.

Yet, China would be more than delighted to see an Indo-Pak faceoff/confrontation for three reasons:
* One, since China considers India a potential regional rival, forcing New Delhi to invest in expensive military hardware would significantly retard the pace of India’s economic growth.
* Two, due to its precarious financial condition, Pakistan would be compelled to restrict its purchase of advanced weaponry only from Beijing, and that too on credit and at an exorbitant cost. This would push Islamabad deeper into Beijing’s debt trap facilitating further exploitation of Pakistan’s mineral resources.
* Three, Beijing could easily pass-off munitions whose reliability is suspect due to vintage or under trial giving its armament industry a boost by testing new munitions as well as through sale of unwanted ordnance that otherwise were required to be destroyed.  

As Rawalpindi has easy access to state-of-the-art Chinese weaponry as well as real time intelligence, New Delhi can neither afford to be complacent nor tardy in taking appropriate countermeasures against Sino-Pak military collusion. And with Pakistan’s de facto ruler Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir announcing that “God made me protector of the country,” declaring that his “greatest desire is martyrdom,” and declaring his solemn “duty to avenge the blood of every Pakistani,” not to forget the “we’ll take down half the world with us” threat, it’s better for India to be prepared. After all, how can a hallucinating Field Marshal ever be trusted?

Pakistani regime extends illegal detention of Mahrang Baloch by 15 days

News Intervention Bureau
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Pakistani regime extends illegal detention of Mahrang Baloch by 15 days

Pakistani regime refused to release Baloch human rights leader Dr Mahrang Baloch and other Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC) activists Bebow Baloch and Gulzadi Baloch, and extended their custody by another fifteen days on frivolous charges. The Pakistani regime, through its puppet judiciary and armed forces, has falsely charged Mahrang Baloch and other BYC leaders of being a proxy to Baloch revolutionaries and of inciting violence and unrest. Defiant Mahrang Baloch dismissed all allegations as “baseless and state propaganda” and urged the common Baloch to fearlessly protest for their rights.

“These people (Pakistani regime) who want to suppress and weaken us are themselves weak. I urge all the Baloch to come out on the streets and demand their rights fearlessly,” Mahrang Baloch said at the sidelines during the judicial hearing. Dr Mahrang praised the Baloch women and children who have been sitting in protest at Islamabad for more than a month braving intense heat and rain demanding that all the “missing” and “disappeared” Baloch be immediately released.

The Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC) activists during their protest at Islamabad on August 22, 2025. Braving the intense heat, humidity and rains these Baloch women and children demand that Pakistani regime release their family members who have been forcibly arrested under fictitious and frivolous charges. (Photo: News Intervention)

“Today marks the 38th consecutive day of the Islamabad sit-in by the families of Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC) leaders and the forcibly disappeared. For over a month, these families have braved extreme weather, harassment, and restrictions, yet their call for justice remains steadfast. Pakistani authorities today once again extended the illegal detention of Dr. Mahrang Baloch and other BYC leaders for another 15 days. This extension, without due process, highlights the state’s ongoing attempt to silence voices demanding an end to enforced disappearances in Balochistan,” the Baloch Yakjehti Committee said in their statement. The Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC) is a conglomeration of activists and intellectuals who are fighting for the human rights violation of Baloch by the Pakistani regime. BYC’s leader and organiser Dr. Mahrang Baloch was arrested by the Pakistani regime on March 22, 2025 and remains under illegal detention since then. 

During the last two decades more than 250,000 Baloch have gone “missing” or have been forcibly “disappeared” by the Pakistani armed forces. Another 15,000 Baloch have been killed under the “kill and dump” policy of Pakistan Army.

Balochistan continues to be under illegal occupation of the Pakistan Army so the entire administration, provincial government and even the courts are mere puppets at the hands of GHQ Rawalpindi. There being no rule of law, the judgements and orders are typed in Rawalpindi/Islamabad and stamped by the puppet judges installed in the courts of occupied Balochistan.

Trump’s Rhetoric: Controlled Chaos or Strategic Disruption?

Brig Brijesh Pandey (Retd.)
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Trump’s Rhetoric: Controlled Chaos or Strategic Disruption?

Donald Trump’s words are never just words. From the campaign trail of 2015 to his presidential comeback in 2025, his rhetoric has doubled as strategy—part theater, part threat, and part transaction. Behind the nicknames, public insults, and boasts lies a coherent method: Re-framing America’s global role as conditional, monetized, and un-apologetically self-serving. This is not diplomacy in the traditional sense. It is disruption as doctrine. And the world is still trying to decide whether Trump’s style is reckless improvisation—or controlled chaos.

The Timeline of Trump’s Tongue
2015–2016: The Insurgent
” Mexican government was not sending the best people across the U.S. border, but instead criminals, drug traffickers, and rapists”, “I alone can fix it.” “Mexico will pay for the wall.”
The outsider demeans Mexico, paints elites as traitors, and himself as America’s lone saviour. Fear + populism = political insurgency.

2017: Institutional Shock
“Enemy of the people.” “Travel ban to protect the Nation.”
Trump pits himself against the press, the courts, and tradition. It is confrontation as a governing philosophy.

2018: Hardball Abroad
“Trade wars are good and easy to win.” “Germany is totally controlled by Russia.”
Allies mocked, adversaries threatened. Ridicule becomes a tool of leverage.

2019: Cornered and Combative
“Perfect call.” “No collusion.”
Trump stopped the aid to Kyiv and pressurized Zelensky to investigate Joe Biden and Hunter Biden. But it boomeranged and first call for impeachment was made. The impeachment era transforms Trump into victim, judge, and executioner—often in the same sentence.

2020: Pandemic Pivot
“China virus.” “Wartime president.” “Historic Abraham Accords.”
Blame shifted abroad, credit hoarded at home. Crisis becomes campaign fodder.

2021–2024: Campaign Without Office
“Stolen election.” “If NATO doesn’t pay, Russia can do whatever they want.”
Defeat fuels grievance. His foreign policy fuses coercion with populist revenge politics.

2025: The Comeback
“Universal baseline tariffs.” “Deep meditation after Operation Sindoor.”
India, Pakistan, China, Russia—Trump talks of peace while wielding economic coercion. Transactional diplomacy dressed up as statesmanship.

Trump’s Country Playbook

China: From “China is raping our country” in 2016 during campaign to “Xi is a very good man…we have a great chemistry” to “China virus.” Charm flips to hostility when trade is involved.
Russia: Alternates between threats of “large-scale sanctions” and warm praise for Putin. Affection as bargaining chip.
North Korea: From “Little Rocket Man” to “We fell in love.” Oscillation as leverage.
Iran: JCPOA “worst deal ever.” From “total obliteration” to “limited strike” in 48 hours. Flexibility paired with fury.
Mexico: “They’re not sending their best.” Fear as border policy. The wall as symbol of sovereignty.
NATO/EU: From “obsolete” to “pay their fair share.” Alliances reduced to financial contracts.
India: From “America loves India” to “dead economy.” Praise, threats, and posturing over tariffs, Russia ties, and border crises. India cast as swing state in U.S. strategy.
Pakistan: “Nothing but lies and deceit” (2018) to “We have never been closer” (2019). Praise shifts from Imran Khan to General Munir. Civilian governments dismissed; military flattered.
Institutions: UN = “a club for people to have a good time.” WHO = “China-centric.” Multilateralism mocked as irrelevant.

The Pattern Behind the Chaos
Strip away the noise and a set of patterns emerge.
Transactional Nationalism: Alliances aren’t about values—they’re about money.
Leverage by Shock: Outbursts rattle the room, forcing others onto the defensive.
Strongman Affinity: Flattery for authoritarians, disdain for bureaucrats.
Policy as Personal Theater: Successes are his alone; failures blamed on enemies.
Perpetual Campaign: Every crisis folded into a running battle against betrayal.
India as Swing State: Alternating praise, criticism, and pseudo-mediation reveal India’s central role in Trump’s triangular balancing act with China, Russia, and Pakistan.

Prognosis: What the World Should Expect
Trump’s rhetoric is not accidental static—it is a strategy of disruption. It unsettles, resets baselines, and monetizes alliances. If 2016–2024 was a test run, 2025 is his full-scale rollout. Expect the following:
Alliances Will Be Monetized: NATO and others must pay up—or face abandonment rhetoric.
Trade as Weapon: Tariffs as tools of war, with India and China in his crosshairs.
Middle Powers Rise: India, Gulf states, Turkey—opportunities to bypass Washington’s old multilateral structures and cut direct deals.
South Asia on Edge: Trump will avoid entanglement but exploit India–Pakistan and India–China tensions to project himself as indispensable.
Russia Question: He will mix praise for Putin with warnings to India, trying to drive a wedge between New Delhi and Moscow.

Trump’s rhetoric is not mere bluster. It is a calculated method of disruption—one that monetizes security, weaponizes trade, flatters strongmen, and unsettles institutions. For allies and adversaries alike, the message is clear: under Trump, diplomacy is not partnership. It is a deal—or a debt.

Helpless Asim Munir comes up with ‘dump truck’ analogy to deflect attention from Baloch and TTP attacks

Nilesh Kunwar
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Helpless Asim Munir comes up with ‘dump truck’ analogy to deflect attention from Baloch and TTP attacks

Pak Army Chief’s Delusion
By admitting that “India is a shining Mercedes coming on a highway like Ferrari, but we are a dump truck full of gravel,” Pakistan Army chief Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir has finally accepted that Pakistan is the loser. And by adding that “If the [dump] truck hits the [Mercedes] car, who is going to be the loser,” he has unwittingly acknowledged that Pakistan is the unruly dump truck driver who being a bad loser is just thirsting for the chance to “hit” the ‘Mercedes car’ called India. Wouldn’t the Field Marshal have done much better by rewording his self-admitted “coarse analogy” saying what would happen if a Mercedes chose to ram against a gravel filled dump truck?

While the visualised outcome of a head-on collision between a Mercedes and dump truck may enthrall Pakistan’s newly promoted Field Marshal, isn’t he aware that on highways, cars and dump trucks ply on separate designated lanes? Or is it that after seeing the international community’s abject apathy towards Rawalpindi’s ongoing romance with globally proscribed terrorist groups, Field Marshal Munir is confident that no one will object when the dump truck driven on his orders violates traffic law by entering the car lane to specifically crash into a Mercedes?

While the puerile Mercedes and dump truck analogy continues, this raises two serious questions- one, who turned Pakistan into a dump truck and two, why is it full of gravel and not something much more valuable? The answer isn’t too hard to find as the same has been provided by Pakistan Army Generals themselves.

Reality
While Pakistan continues to play the terrorism victim card, it conveniently forgets that the Pakistan Army is the one responsible for this sorry state of affairs. In the late seventies, didn’t Gen Zia ul Haq allow Washington to convert Pakistani territory bordering Afghanistan into a veritable breeding ground and a safe sanctuary for radicalised Islamist terrorists to fight America’s proxy war against the Soviet forces in Afghanistan?

Hasn’t Pakistan’s ex-President and former army chief Gen Pervez Musharraf himself admitted that “We poisoned Pakistani civil society for 10 years when we fought the Soviets in Afghanistan in the 1980s,” adding that “It was jihad and we brought in militants from all over the world, with the West and Pakistan together in the lead role.” When the Pakistan Army itself sowed the seed of religious fundamentalism on its own soil, why blame outsiders for the grim harvest it is still yielding?

In his 2015 TV interview to Dunya News, Gen Musharraf admitted that “In the 1990s … Lashkar-e-Taiba and 11 or 12 other organisations were formed. We supported them and trained them as they were fighting in Kashmir at the cost of their lives.” Similarly, in April, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar revealed that “We opposed the mention of TRF [The Resistance Front] at the UNSC statement condemning the Pahalgam terror attack,” boasting that “I got calls from global capitals, but Pakistan will not accept. [Mention of] TRF was deleted and Pakistan prevailed.” And yet Pakistan has the gall to deny waging proxy war in J&K. 

‘Home Grown’ Terror
Pakistan alleges that Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan [TTP] is an Indian proxy but hasn’t explained that if this was as indeed true, then why did it not only enter into a ceasefire with this terrorist group but also unconditionally release more than 100 TTP commanders and fighters held in Pakistan Army’s custody in 2021? If TTP is working at the behest of New Delhi, why did Pakistan Army’s media wing Inter Services Public Relations [ISPR] in August 2022 rubbish reports of large scale presence of armed TTP fighters in Pakistan’s Swat Valley as “exaggerated and misleading”? 

First, Rawalpindi makes a Faustian deal with the perpetrators of the heinous 2014 Army Public School Peshawar attack in which nearly 150 students and teaching staff lost their lives and more than a hundred were injured, and then unashamedly blames India for helping TTP.

The Pakistan Army’s role in aggravating the Balochistan problem and provoking an armed separatist movement is no secret and that’s why no one takes its allegation of Indian support to armed Baloch groups fighting against the forceful occupation and indiscriminate exploitation of natural resources of this region seriously.

In May 2010, former speaker of Pakistan’s National Assembly Syed Fakhar Imam and former Ambassador to the US Syeda Abida Hussain organised a seminar on “Friends of the Baloch and Balochistan.” Speaking at this event, former Pakistan Army chief Gen Abdul Waheed Kakar opined that Gen Musharraf had “committed a big mistake” in launching the 2006 military operation in Balochistan and killing of the Baloch leader Nawab Akbar Bugti was “a crime against Pakistan.”

According to The Express Tribune, Lt Gen [retired] Salahuddin Tirmizi said that in other countries the intelligence agencies collect information and the governments make decisions. “But here the intelligence agencies make decisions.” Such a scathing attack on the Pakistan Army by one of its former General exposes Rawalpindi’s rot within.

Similarly, highlighting the fact that Baloch people have been deprived of their rights and their natural resources, Baloch Students’ Organisation [BSO] leader Aleem Baloch lamented that those who speak for their rights either get killed or abducted and disappear forever. Another BSO leader, Muhiuddin Baloch complained that the Pakistani military, the media, parliament and judiciary have no concern for the plight of Balochistan. Unfortunately, this sorry state of affairs expressed a decade-and-a-half ago still endures.

Despite strict media control, these views were endorsed by many newspapers. In its May 17, 2010 editorial, Dawn put forth a compelling argument by observing that “Is the trouble in Balochistan inspired by India or is India stirring a pot of the Pakistan state’s own making?” It goes on to mention that “To outside, non-army observers, it seems clear it is the latter. But so long as the army seems to cling to the former ‘India-centric’ explanation, peace in the province will never be had. A flawed diagnosis cannot lead to a successful solution and in the case of Balochistan it continues to poison any semblance of trust between the two sides.”

Crying Wolf
Field Marshal Munir needs to understand that blaming foreign “inimical forces” for the rising wave of terrorism despite the inordinate overuse of force including air and artillery cannot conceal his army’s humongous failure to rein in home grown terrorism in Pakistan. He should also realise that it ill-behooves a Field Marshal to issue hollow threats or make unfounded allegations. And so, Munir needs to accept the reality that when it has failed to bring TTP terrorists and Baloch armed groups down on their knees, harbouring the belief that his gravel laden dump truck could pulverise the Indian ‘Mercedes’
is nothing more than a classic case of great expectations!

Gilgit-Baltistan Floods: Pakistan’s neglect has amplified climate emergency

Brig Brijesh Pandey (Retd.)
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Gilgit-Baltistan Floods: Pakistan’s neglect has amplified climate emergency

Tucked between the Karakoram and Himalayan ranges, Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) is once again reeling from a climate disaster. The floods this summer have laid bare not only the region’s acute environmental fragility but also the persistent governance vacuum that leaves its people defenceless. To Islamabad, Gilgit-Baltistan still appears less like a homeland and more like a frontier outpost — a place to exploit strategically, not to nurture. Sense of unsettled Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) can be seen prominently.

Flash Floods and Glacial Lake Outbursts
As of 15 August 2025, torrential floods in Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) have killed at least 62 people, injured nearly 90 others, and displaced over 5,000 residents into makeshift relief shelters. The scale of destruction is staggering: 1,100 homes either damaged or destroyed, 96 bridges swept away, including vital links on the Karakoram Highway and Baltistan Highway. Many districts like Ghizer, Nagar, and Astore are completely cut off from assistance. Hydropower stations crippled, plunging Gilgit and surrounding areas into prolonged blackouts. To make matters worse, forecasts warn of continued heavy rainfall through 21 August, threatening an escalation of the humanitarian disaster.

Agriculture — the primary livelihood — has taken a direct hit: fields submerged in silt, orchards flattened, and livestock drowned. With transport arteries broken, even food and medical relief struggle to reach the stranded.

Flash floods and mudslides have destroyed farmlands and orchards in Gilgit-Baltistan. (Photo: News Intervention)

Why Gilgit-Baltistan is So Exposed ?
Gilgit-Baltistan sits at the epicentre of South Asia’s climate crisis. Two phenomena converge in the region with lethal force.
1. Erratic Monsoons: Intensified cloudbursts that unleash flash floods and landslides.
2. Glacial Lake Outburst Floods (GLOFs) : Rapid glacial melting creates unstable lakes that burst without warning.
The region hosts more than 3,000 glacial lakes, of which over 33 are deemed hazardous. Scientific warnings for decades have predicted this growing risk. The 2025 floods confirm what researchers have long feared — that Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) is sliding into a new normal of recurring disasters.

Human Stories of Survival
Statistics conceal the human pain. Families across Gilgit-Baltistan displaced from valleys now live in relief tents with little medical care. Farmers watch lifetimes of work vanish under rubble. Tourism — a fragile lifeline of income — is paralyzed due to broken bridges and blocked passes.

What sustains survival is not state policy but the resilience of local communities, kinship networks, and ad-hoc rescue efforts. Rarely does structured recovery follow. For the people of Gilgit-Baltistan, relief arrives late, rehabilitation is partial, and prevention is non-existent.

Locals look at the bridge destroyed due to floods in Gilgit-Baltistan. (Photo: News Intervention)

A History of Predictable Disasters in Gilgit-Baltistan
This tragedy is not new — it is part of a cycle.
2010: The Attabad landslide formed an artificial lake, displacing thousands and severing the Karakoram Highway for months.
2022: The Shisper Glacier outburst wiped out the Hassanabad bridge, destroyed hydropower plants, and ravaged Hunza villages.

Every monsoon since has brought repeat devastation, with Islamabad responding in the same pattern: reactive relief, no structural change. Reports of aid diversion, hoarding, and corruption further deepen local anger.

Governance Vacuum and Political Disenfranchisement
At the root of Gilgit-Baltistan’s vulnerability lies its political limbo. It is neither a full province of Pakistan nor an autonomous region with legislative rights. Its people have no parliamentary voice in Islamabad, no representation in national budgeting, and little say in disaster management. This disenfranchisement converts climate hazards into human rights crises. Relief funds appear after tragedy, but there is no systemic planning for adaptation, no empowerment of local institutions, and no dedicated allocation of national resources. The silence of GB’s people in Pakistan’s corridors of power makes their cries easy to ignore.

Regional and Global Stakes
The floods in Gilgit-Baltistan are not an isolated misfortune. The region is critical for CPEC (China-Pakistan Economic Corridor): Roads and bridges here are vital to Beijing’s connectivity ambitions. Water Security: GB’s glaciers feed the Indus River, sustaining millions across Punjab, Sindh, and Balochistan. South Asian Climate Stability: Glacial melt in GB directly shapes the hydrological balance of the subcontinent. Failure to secure Gilgit Baltistan risks destabilizing both Pakistan’s economy and the wider regional water system.

Indus Waters Treaty: A Silent Factor
The floods also highlight the fragile equilibrium of the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT). Any disruption risks a double disaster — drought in summer and floods in monsoon. While India has so far avoided weaponizing water against Pakistan, New Delhi’s restraint is strategic and humanitarian. Should that equation change, Pakistan’s vulnerabilities will multiply, striking twice a year with existential force.

The Way Forward
To break this cycle, three urgent steps are non-negotiable. Climate-Resilient Infrastructure: Build durable bridges, protective embankments, and early warning systems instead of temporary fixes. Glacial Monitoring: Partner with international climate networks for satellite tracking, predictive modelling, and community-based alert systems. Political Empowerment: Without constitutional rights, representation, and budgetary allocation, Gilgit Baltistan will remain condemned to disaster cycles.

Conclusion
The 2025 floods in Gilgit-Baltistan are not just a natural calamity; they are a mirror reflecting state neglect, political disenfranchisement, and climate injustice. Natural hazards only become human catastrophes when governance fails. For Pakistan, the message is clear: Climate resilience cannot be outsourced to charity and emergency relief. For the international community, the lesson is urgent: regions at the front line of the climate crisis also need justice, rights, and dignity.

Gilgit-Baltistan is more than a high-altitude battleground of glaciers and geopolitics — it is home to people who deserve protection, representation, and hope. Without decisive action, this fragile mountain frontier will remain a global case study in how states can abandon their own climate front lines.

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