Ehsan Ali Advocate, a stalwart of the Awami Action Committee (AAC) and a vocal defender of the oppressed people of Pak-occupied-Gilgit-Baltistan, has been arrested from a hotel in Rawalpindi. The arrest of the prominent activist has sparked outrage, with widespread condemnation of a targeted attack on dissent and the AAC’s resistance movement.

Ehsan Ali, known for leading protests against the oppressive policies of the Paki establishment in Pakistan-occupied Gilgit-Baltistan (PoGB), was at the forefront of demonstrations demanding justice and economic relief for the region. The AAC-led protests compelled the occupying government to promise the fulfillment of their charter of demands. However, these promises proved hollow. As soon as the protests subsided, the authority launched a systematic crackdown on the AAC, aiming to weaken the organization, suppress the masses, and silence the region’s demands for justice and development.

Since the forceful occupation of POGB, its residents have endured severe economic exploitation. The region is now grappling with an acute economic crisis marked by skyrocketing inflation, rising unemployment, and a stark lack of meaningful development. Over the past two years, inflation in the region has surged by a staggering 400–500 percent, plunging locals further into despair.

One of the primary drivers of this economic turmoil is the relentless rise in fuel prices, which has led to skyrocketing transportation costs and an unrelenting increase in the prices of essential goods, including food and medicine. Petrol prices in the region have been on a constant upward trajectory, exacerbating the hardships of an already struggling population.

From the statement issued by Pakistan Army’s media wing Inter Services Public Relations [ISPR] on conclusion of the 84^th Formation Commanders Conference held last Thursday, it’s apparent that the spectre of “propaganda and disinformation” against the country’s armed forces continues to give the Pakistan military’s top brass sleepless nights. This is understandable because in a country where the Army is considered a holy cow by the people, anything that impinges on the military’s exalted status is unacceptable as this can become a serious threat to the Army’s phenomenal overreach and extra-constitutional authority.

Hence it is evident that Pakistan Army chief Gen Syed Asim Munir’s emphatic “any effort to weaken our armed forces is akin to weakening the state” declaration is merely a cunning ploy to invoke nationalism for preserving Rawalpindi’s exclusive turf. Similarly, while there could well be “foreign hand” involvement of in social media campaigns against the Pakistan Army, but overplaying this issue to the extent of suggesting that this trend has acquired gargantuan proportions solely due to foreign intervention is clearly an attempt by Rawalpindi to conceal its own misdoings and highhandedness.

Gen Munir wants the government to “check unfettered and unethical use of freedom of expression to spew venom, lies and sow the seeds of polarisation” and maintains that “those spreading fake news for vested political/financial interests need to be identified and brought to justice.” His observations and recommendations do create the misleading impression that even though the Pakistan Army is being systematically demonised by “vested political/financial interests,” the government unfortunately continues to remain a silent and inactive spectator.

Rawalpindi vs PTI

Readers would recall that after facing mounting criticism, Rawalpindi had in 2021 craftily orchestrated an amendment in Pakistan Penal Code and Code of Criminal Procedure through insertion of Section 500-A. This section which criminalises ridiculing of the armed forces states, “Whosoever intentionally ridicules, brings into disrepute or defames the Armed Forces of Pakistan or a member thereof, he shall be guilty of an offence punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to two years, or fine which may extend to five hundred thousand rupees, or with both.” 

That the Pakistan military is perhaps the only Army within the community of democratic nations that needs legal protection against slander from its own countrymen, does convey a lot!

With no clarity on what constitutes ridiculing, bringing into disrepute or defaming the armed forces or its members, this draconian law gives the Army [which has its own full-fledged legal setup] the opportunity to take offenders to court. So, instead of initiating legal action against those who he perceives are maligning the Army, why is Gen Munir unnecessarily complaining against what he considers to be government apathy and the Army’s helplessness? Isn’t it his moral responsibility to uphold the image of the Army?

However, for the Army to blame the government is nothing new in Pakistan. [Didn’t former Pakistan Army chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa say that the 1971 debacle which led to creation of Bangladesh was “a political failure and not a military one”?]

Bullets and blame

The ISPR statement further mentions that “This pre-planned coordinated and premeditated propaganda reflects the continuity of a sinister design by certain political elements as an attempt to drive a wedge between the public & Armed Forces and institutions of Pakistan.” [Emphasis added]. Though ISPR hasn’t named the “political elements” that it accuses of spreading propaganda, it’s obvious that this barb is directed at Imran Khan and his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf [PTI] party. This is yet another classic example of Rawalpindi’s unending interference in politics, which is the prime reason behind its burgeoning unpopularity. Remember former Pakistan Army chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa’s matter-of-fact admission that “The main reason for this [public criticism] is the involvement of the Army in politics for the last 70 years, which is unconstitutional”?

Gen Munir is enraged by PTI’s accusation that the Pakistan Army and Rangers [which are commanded by Army officers] had opened fire at protesters in D Chowk on November 26 causing death of 12 workers and injuries to several others. This is evident from ISPR’s statement that the “Forum noted with concern the malicious propaganda done in the aftermath of the lawful deployment of the Army in the capital to secure key government buildings and provide [a] safe and secure environment for the valued visiting dignitaries.” However, does this anger justify Rawalpindi’s getting into a one-on-one slugfest with PTI and creating a mess?

Both the government and the Pakistan Army may deny having fired live bullets at protesters but there’s credible evidence that suggests otherwise. In an Al Jazeera video, senior journalist Kamal Hyder reporting from ‘ground zero’ clearly mentions use of live bullets by security forces and even draws attention of listeners to what’s undoubtedly the repetitive staccato of semi-automatic rifle fire in the background. He also confirms not having seen any armed protesters at D Chowk.Then there are several horrific videos on social media that show civilians with gunshot wounds.

Caught in the crossfire

Most importantly, abduction of TV anchor and You-tuber Matiullah Jan and his colleague Saqib Bashir by men in black uniforms while they were collecting data on protester casualties from Pakistan Institute of Medical Sciences and booking Jan on terrorism and narcotics related charges also raises serious doubts regarding the official claim that no bullets were fired at protesters. The

One of the most gruesome video that’s bound to generate anti-Army sentiments amongst the people is that of an elderly man offering prayers mercilessly being pushed down from atop a container by Rangers. Why has Rawalpindi maintained a stoic silence and failed to take cognisance of this criminal act by soldiers commanded by Pakistan Army officers is indeed intriguing and provides a reason for public resentment against the Pakistan Army.

Dawn in its December 7 editorial has aptly observed that “The ruling party’s-and the establishment’s [Pakistan Army]-disagreements with the PTI are political and need to be resolved through political means, while terrorist groups pose an existential threat to the nation…. It is unwise, therefore, to link the PTI to militant groups. Both the civilian and uniformed leaderships need to focus all their efforts on countering the terrorist threat… the effort to brand the PTI or other critics of the state as ‘terrorists’ will only divert attention from the real threat.”

Whether Gen Munir will heed to this sagacious suggestion however remains a million dollar question!   

The Karakoram Highway (KKH), a crucial artery connecting Rawalpindi with Pakistan-occupied-Gilgit-Baltistan (POGB), remained blocked for the second consecutive day as members of the Muttahida Kohistan Jirga continued their protest demanding the release of elder Maulana Kareemdad.

The demonstration, which began on Wednesday, resumed at 8 a.m. Thursday in the Pattan area of Lower Kohistan, severely disrupting traffic on the KKH. Starting December 9, a sit-in will be held on the highway, leading to its complete closure.

Protesters from Upper Kohistan, Lower Kohistan, and Kolai-Palas have united in the blockade, vowing to maintain it until their demands are met. Former Member of the Provincial Assembly (MPA) Maulana Dildar said, “We will not end our protest until the district administration releases Maulana Kareemdad and resolves all pending issues, including road reconstruction.”

Although the jirga temporarily lifted the blockade overnight to allow stranded travelers to proceed, they resumed it Thursday morning, with further plans to extend the protest into Upper Kohistan.

The jirga has allowed limited passage for vehicles, granting access for one hour after Zuhr and Asr prayers. The jirga has refused to engage with the police and Wapda officials. Instead, they convened their own meeting to decide the next course of action.

In a show of strength, the jirga expanded its membership from 45 to 90, with equal representation from all districts.

The arrest of Maulana Kareemdad, a former National Assembly candidate, alongside contractor Aurangzeb, has fueled tensions in the region. Both men have been transferred to Haripur prison, a move that protesters see as unjust and provocative. The Paki establishment’s deliberate strategy to suppress the region—economically, politically, and socially—is a stark reminder of its exploitative agenda. For the people of PoGB, the path forward lies in resistance, as their voices grow louder in demanding autonomy, dignity, and justice.

In an attempt to restore peace, a delegation from the Pashtun Qaumi Jirga (PQJ) visited Bagan Bazar, a site devastated by recent sectarian riots. The delegation, consisting of esteemed leaders, scholars, and influential figures from the Pashtun community, made it clear that the suffering of Kurram’s people is their own. However, their efforts are thwarted at every turn by the heavy hand of the Punjabi Pak Army, which has consistently hindered their attempts at reconciliation.

The PQJ, which has been making efforts to mediate peace in Kurram, faced repeated obstacles in reaching the region. Despite trying three times to enter Kurram, their efforts were blocked by the Pak forces. For the past three days, over 100 elder leaders of the PQJ have made their way through Kurram, making stops in Sadda and Parachinar, areas most affected by the violence. They have taken time to examine the damage caused by the riots, held discussions with local leaders, and even recited Fatiha for the martyrs of Kurram. Their focus remains on finding a permanent, peaceful solution, and they’ve assured the local population of their unwavering support.

The visit, which also included a meeting with the people and leaders of Parachinar, continued to emphasize messages of peace and brotherhood. Despite these positive overtures, the true nature of the violence in Kurram remains disturbingly clear. The situation in the region, including the November attack where armed Shia groups retaliated by burning a market in Bagan, appears to be a direct consequence of deeper, more sinister motives orchestrated by the Pakistan Army.

While on the surface, the unrest may appear as a Sunni-Shia conflict or as a result of local land disputes, the reality is far more insidious. For centuries, Sunni and Shia Pashtuns in Kurram District coexisted peacefully, relying on their traditional jirga system to resolve disputes. Yet, recent years have seen a disturbing pattern of sectarian violence, orchestrated violence, and instability. This violence is a calculated move by the Pakistan Army, which has long utilized its colonial tactics to destabilize regions of strategic importance.

By fueling sectarian tensions and creating chaos, the Army’s objective is to displace local Pashtuns, ensuring that the region is strategically aligned for Pakistan’s “New Dollar War,” and to increase its control over Kurram.

A tragic incident unfolded in the Shanko area of Bara Burqambakhel, where unknown gunmen shot and killed school teacher Rooh Ul Amin Kuki Khel. This latest killing is a stark reminder of the lawlessness and anarchy that continue to plague the region, exacerbated by the ongoing involvement of the Punjabi Pak Army and its proxies, who have systematically destabilized the area for years.

Bara, once a thriving part of Khyber Agency, has suffered from an appalling lack of basic infrastructure, with communities struggling to rebuild in the wake of relentless military operations. The death of Rooh Ul Amin, a schoolteacher is not just a loss for his family, but also a tragic blow to a community already devastated by violence and neglect. The killing underscores the extent of lawlessness in the region, which has been exacerbated by the military’s heavy-handed tactics and the presence of armed groups linked to the establishment.

The Pak Army, notorious for its oppressive and destabilizing actions in the tribal areas, has played a significant role in the erosion of peace in Kurram and Bara. Moreover, the Pakistan Army has taken active steps to block the return of the displaced Kukikhel Pashtun community, who were forcibly evicted from their ancestral lands in 2013. Despite years of struggle, the displaced Kukikhel families have been denied the right to return home, as the Army has actively obstructed their efforts.