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#LokSabha2019: An Opposition Bereft of Concrete Issues

Ashutosh Garg
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#LokSabha2019: An Opposition Bereft of Concrete Issues

Three rounds of the 2019 Lok Sabha elections are over.

The voice of the opposition leaders is getting shriller and louder as they seem to see the writing on the wall. Their desperation is evident as they jump from one non-issue to another hoping that the electorate will listen and accept some charge against the Narendra Modi Government.

Politicians can lie with a straight face. They repeat their lies over and over again and at some stage they start to believe their own lies.

Let us look and evaluate the top 10 non-issues that the opposition parties keep talking about.

  • Corruption: Recognising that Prime Minister Modi has established that there is no corruption in the Government, the opposition is desperate to make some credible charge of corruption that the voters may accept. Rahul Gandhi has cried himself hoarse on corruption in the Rafale deal and the ridiculous charge that Anil Ambani was given huge aircraft orders. Mr Gandhi has changed the numbers from Rafale and the use of these “Rafale” funds at will, depending on the audience he addresses without understanding that his speeches are being recorded and compared, if for nothing else, at least for consistency. Not surprisingly, none of the other opposition parties have picked up this issue or any other corruption issue of the Modi Government.
  • Rs 15 lakh: A common comment of several opposition leaders is to try and remind voters that Mr Modi had “promised” Rs 15 lakh to each voter in the 2014 elections. They also manage to get some motivated voters to demand this on television when biased journalists ask for sound bytes. The fact that opposition parties have not been able to find Mr Modi’s speech where this promise was allegedly made is evidence enough. If there was such a speech, this would have been a single point agenda for the 2019 elections.
  • Farmer distress: Much has been written on farmer distress. This is a problem that has been addressed over the past 70 years without much success. We need a credible policy that will ensure that farmers get remunerative prices for their produce, good quality seeds, enough fertilizer, proper storage facilities and plenty of water. Only the Modi Government has addressed these five basic requirements for agriculture. Agrarian distress is a challenge that will take time to handle. Repeated loan waivers, practiced by the Congress, does not help build sustainable financial well-being of our farmers. They want an opportunity to earn money and become dependent on Government handouts. Senior agrarian leaders like Sharad Pawar and Deve Gowda have seen farmer distress and farmer suicides in their states under their leadership. It would be interesting to see their comments on how they handled farmer distress when they were in power.
  • Job creation: The Congress keeps going back to lack of job creation in the past 5 years. They have not been able to make this into a significant poll issue since the millennials are not buying into this. Sufficient jobs in the Government may not have been created but a growing economy with huge infrastructure spending is creating plenty of jobs in the private sector. Provident Fund numbers have doubled. Startups are at an all time high. The transportation sector is witnessing a boom like never before. Fast moving consumer goods companies are seeing a significant increase in demand from the rural and semi-urban areas. The Government needs to quickly develop more credible data on job creation in the private and unorganized sector to counter similar allegations in future.
  • Arithmetic over Chemistry: Opposition leaders are coming together to fight elections in some States and fighting one another in other States. Mayawati and Akhilesh Yadav are together in Uttar Pradesh and are fighting the Congress and yet all parties come together on common opposition platforms. Kejriwal and Congress decide to go their own ways in Delhi but want to come together in Haryana. These leaders assume that coming together will result in a simple arithmetic of adding up their voters from the 2014 elections. They assume that the voter cannot see through their non-alliances and their inherent contradictions and forget that the chemistry of the voter with their leader is more important than the arithmetic of numbers. 
  • Pulwama and Balakot: Wars around the world have a direct impact on politicians. Every opposition leader would want to be in the position of the ruling party on Pulwama and Balakot. Mr Modi took the decision to allow the Armed Forces to hit back and he can rightfully take credit for this decision. Indira Gandhi took credit for the 1971 war when Bangladesh was created. Mr Vajpayee got the credit for the Kargil war. Mr Modi has every right to take credit for Balakot. Opposition leaders forget their remarks after the Pulwama attacks and the lack of an immediate credible response from Mr Modi. When action was taken, they started to cry foul. Conversely, had the operation not succeeded, would the opposition leaders have forgotten this and not made the failure an election issue?
  • Demonetisation and GST (Goods and Services Tax): Opposition leaders understand that the initial pain of demonetisation has been forgotten. GST has made a significant change in the lives of the common man. Demonetisation and GST are no longer an election issue and much as Rahul Gandhi would like to keep drumming up this subject, the voter has no time to keep listening to more lies and untruths on these subjects.
  • Save democracy and secularism: Mamata Banerjee and Arvind Kejriwal keep shouting about the need to save democracy and vote out the Bharatiya Janata Party. While Mamata Banerjee runs a dictatorial Government which accepts no opposition, Kejriwal is a leader of no significance in these elections. Opposition leaders who are desperately trying to encourage voters to vote along religious lines are also talking of secularism in the same breath. These opposition leaders are shouting about saving India’s democracy in the middle of the largest democratic elections the world has ever witnessed!
  • No development: Sweeping statements have been that there has been no development in India over the past 5 years when all indices indicate that India is the fastest growing large economy in the world. Improvement in roads and power is there for everyone to see and experience. The growing international reputation and stature of India will make every Indian proud.
  • Weak leader: Priyanka Gandhi has been shouting at the top of her voice that Mr Modi has been the “weakest” Prime Minister India has ever had. With almost no credibility in public life other than the fact that she looks like her grandmother, no voter can ever believe this ridiculous comment that she is desperately trying to peddle repeatedly.

Armies of liberal journalists have been scouring the data and past speeches, hoping to give some ammunition to their political masters. Evidence is being manufactured to try and sway the electorate, but these are being denied quickly and effectively by the ruling party.

The opposition leaders themselves are not convinced about what they should be talking about. The fact that there is not a single credible issue is the reason why the opposition parties are not being able to come together on a common platform. The only common agenda all opposition parties have is to remove Prime Minister Modi. This is not enough to convince voters who can see significant changes in their lives and know that they can expect much more development in the coming years.

The agenda set forth by Mr Modi in 2014 and again in 2019 is clearly being achieved. A lot has been completed and a lot more must be done in the coming 5 years.

Indians have always wanted a strong leader and now we have him.

Political opportunism of Kashmir-centric leaders has stalled Delimitation in Jammu & Kashmir

Onkareshwar Pandey
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Political opportunism of Kashmir-centric leaders has stalled Delimitation in Jammu & Kashmir

Jammu and Kashmir is definitely the most talked about state in India. Reams are being written about the situation and environment prevalent there. Every incident of violence, social disruption, perceived economic inequality, elections, government formation et al is meticulously recorded and spoken about by a whole range of “experts.” What is normal for other states and regions becomes extraordinary there. Jammu and Kashmir is also (probably) the least understood state; it is so because the narrative sticks to the vested interests of the narrator who is normally a politician with a self serving agenda. It is a state where political parties have been created and coalitions stitched up blatantly to serve Individual interests. Any attempt to change the self-serving status quo of some who have positioned themselves as “leaders of the people” elicits an abrasive reaction from them which, in turn, is lapped up by a section of media, especially the electronic segment, due to its sensationalist element. It is for this reason that, despite all efforts, the situation in the state has not changed in the last seven decades. What does not suit these “leaders” stays under wraps.

Delimitation is one such taboo subject in the politics of the state. One more parliamentary election is underway in the state without any reference to the sensitive issue. In Jammu and Kashmir, the delimitation of the Constituent Assembly was first announced by Karan Singh in 1951. It was to be carried out on the basis of the census of 1941. 43 Districts were allocated for Kashmir region, 30 for Jammu and two for Ladakh even though the 1941 census showed distribution of the population as – Jammu, 20,01,557, Kashmir, 17,28,686 and Gilgit/Baltistan, Kargil and Ladakh, 3,11,915. Though geographically and population-wise Jammu was much larger than Kashmir, yet more seats were allocated to the latter. Another injustice was done when one state assembly seat was allocated over a population of 60,000 in Jammu whereas it was 40,000 in the case of Kashmir. All this was done at the behest of Sheikh Abdullah even as the Union Government under Jawaharlal Nehru remained complacent.

The process of delimitation was carried out in J&K in 1995 and the next round was slated for 2005, since it has a ten year cycle. But, in 2002, the ruling National Conference Government froze delimitation until 2026 by amending the Constitution of the state. As things stand now, the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly has 87 seats of which 46 are from Kashmir, 37 from Jammu and 4 from Ladakh. For the Parliament there are two constituencies in Jammu, three in Kashmir and one in Ladakh.

Excluding 1,20,849 Sq. km area of Jammu and Kashmir that is under illegal occupation of Pakistan and China, the state with the Indian Union comprises of 1,01,387 sq. km. area. Of this, Kashmir comprises only 16% of the land mass whereas Jammu and Ladakh cover a geographical area of 84%, the largest portion being Ladakh. Kashmir, on paper, has approximately 10% more population than Jammu, but it is so because lakhs of voters in Jammu region like the West Pakistan refugees and those belonging to the Valmiki/Gorkha community, who have been living in the state for decades, have not been granted citizenship by successive Kashmir-centric governments. Also, lakhs of Kashmiri Pundits who have their votes registered in Kashmir Valley no longer live there but in the Jammu region and elsewhere across India. A correct census would take the population figure in Jammu beyond that of Kashmir.

The aforementioned data clearly indicates that the state has an unwarranted concentration of power in one region (Kashmir) and consequent lack of representation in the remainder two regions (Jammu and Ladakh) despite these being more significant in terms of area as well as population. There have been many protests but these are sidelined because they do not have in them an element of sensationalism and “good copy.”

India has in place the Delimitation Commission Act, 1962, according to which the distribution of seats must be done on the basis of latest census figures, geographical compactness of the area, physical features, existing boundaries of administrative units, facilities of communication and public convenience in order to ensure that the representation of people is balanced out and is just. Sadly, the Act has no locus-standi in Jammu and Kashmir.

So, even as the people of Jammu and Ladakh regions involve themselves in the spirit of democracy by coming out to vote in large numbers they remain on the back foot when it comes to representation of their interests and aspirations. The people of Kashmir Valley, on the other hand, are petulant and unconcerned about democracy, and yet, they have good representation in the Parliament. The same process is being witnessed in the ongoing parliamentary elections also.

This is the worst from of political opportunism imaginable. If the situation prevalent in the state is opined upon by an international expert of constitutional democracies he/she would be appalled. The self-serving leaders get away by threatening large scale protests should the status quo be tampered with. The ground situation, however, is detrimental to the cause of the common man while serving the interests of only a select few. The leadership in Kashmir has created a feudal set up where the only voice coming out is their own. They may fight against each other for power at the state level but when it comes to engagement with the centre they speak in one voice.

To wait for a decade for the situation to be corrected will amount to doing grave injustice to the people of Jammu and Ladakh regions. Delimitation in Jammu and Kashmir should form the core agenda of the incoming Parliament. All legal and legislative remedies need to be put in place to ensure that it is done before elections at the state level are announced.

An Open Letter to Pakistan’s DG ISPR Maj Gen Asif Ghafoor

Nilesh Kunwar
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An Open Letter to Pakistan’s DG ISPR Maj Gen Asif Ghafoor

General Sahib,

While addressing the media after the Pulwama suicide attack that killed 40 CRPF jawans, you had made a rather weird suggestion that it was not Pakistan but India which had masterminded this murderous attack. Thereafter you came out with an equally bizarre explanation that “Whenever there is supposed to be an important event in Pakistan, or the country is moving towards stability, then there is always some sort of staged incident in either India or occupied Kashmir.” Whereas your hypothesis scores very high on the humour scale, it unfortunately rates abysmally low as far as its credibility quotient is concerned.

Presumably it was the fear that your wacky claim would be thrown out of the nearest window that made you devote so much time to cite past incidents in a bid to shore up your incredibly weak hypothesis. You want the world believe that besides the Pulwama incident, New Delhi had also masterminded the following attacks on its own people and your reasoning is indicative of such a fertile sense of imagination that deserves to be re-narrated.

According to You:–

  • The 2001 attack on Indian Parliament happened in December when UN General Assembly was in session and because Indian Presidential elections were to be held in 2002.
  • The 2008 Mumbai attacks took place because Pakistan Army’s “progress in the war on terror was quite good and at this time too, there were to be general elections in India from February to December.”
  • The 2016 Pathankot Airbase attack took place at a time when the US President was due to give his address to the State of Union. In addition, you maintain that this attack was orchestrated by New Delhi because “India was to see state elections and there were foreign secretary-level talks scheduled between India and Pakistan. That was scuttled.”
  • The 2016 Uri attack took place at a time when Pakistan Prime Minister “was set to go to the UNGA to deliver a speech.”

Sir, you would surely recall an old idiom from your school days which says ‘what is good for the goose is good for the gander.” Therefore, if your contention that New Delhi has been repeatedly cutting its own nose just to spite Islamabad’s face is true, then in keeping with the goose and gander idiom, is it not likely that Pakistan is also doing the same? A counter question to your allegations — Why do terrorist attacks in Pakistan always occur whenever Islamabad is facing flak from the international community for patronising terrorist groups or when some story fabricated by it is about to be exposed? To prove my point, I am mentioning just a few incidents that clearly point at your own army’s involvement in terrorist attacks inside Pakistan.

In 2014, Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) terrorists attacked the Army Public School (APS) in Peshawar killing 149 students and teaching staff members. Former TTP spokesperson Ehsanullah Ehsan who had publically taken responsibility for this attack purportedly ‘surrendered’ to the Pakistan Army in 2017, but even after a lapse of two years, the Pakistan Army has failed to even file a charge sheet against him. Compare this with the case of Commander Kulbhushan Jadhav in which the Pakistan Army not only charge-sheeted but even sentenced him to death in just 12 months? Will the DG ISPR please clarify whether Pakistan Army’s laid-back attitude in bringing Ehsan to justice, even when the majority of the victims in the TTP attack were children of army men, part of some ‘secret deal’? Was the APS Peshawar attack masterminded by the Pakistan Army and executed by its ‘proxy’ just to conceal its selectivity in targeting terrorist groups during its much hyped war or terror (‘Operation Zarb-e- Azb’) as well as to gain international  sympathy and get more financial aid by presenting Pakistan as a ‘victim’ of terror?

Next, it’s no secret that the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) has taken a very serious view of Pakistan Army’s continued support to terrorist organisations fighting in India and Afghanistan, while the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has adopted a hard stance on grant of financial assistance because of Islamabad’s self-destructive policy of indiscriminately seeking loans from all and sundry. We also know that both these international organisations are soon going to decide whether or not to assist Pakistan. In a seemingly hopeless situation, is it not likely that Islamabad had itself orchestrated the recent bomb blast targeting the Hazara community in Quetta just to escape landing up in the FATF ‘blacklist’ and being denied a financial package by IMF? May sound improbable, but if the Indian ‘goose’ can do an ‘Uri’ then why can’t the Pakistani ‘gander’ perpetuate the Quetta bomb blast?

The International Court of Justice (ICJ) has heard the final arguments of both India and Pakistan on the Jadhav case and its final verdict is expected any day now. Since Jadhav has been tried and awarded capital punishment by a military court which was presided over by officers with no formal education in law, the global community considers the whole trial process as nothing more than just a façade. By denying New Delhi consular access to Jadhav, Pakistan has blatantly violated international conventions and further weakened its own position. As it knows that its case is extremely weak, it’s quite likely that the Pakistan Army intentionally staged the recent ‘execution type’ cold blooded murder of 14 bus passengers in Makaran area of Balochistan. By doing this Pakistan Army gave the Foreign Office a chance to repeat its unsubstantiated allegations that India is whipping up terrorism in Balochistan and by mentioning that Jadhav was arrested from this area three years ago, it has attempted to bolster its legally infirm case in ICJ.

You have made a host of insinuations about New Delhi staging attacks against its own people but since India has no past record of ever having sacrificed its citizens on the altar of expediency, your allegations have expectedly fallen flat. But my hypothesis of the Pakistan Army staging attacks against its own people just to demonize India is comparatively more convincing as it has a precedent. You must never forget that by refusing to claim the dead bodies of soldiers killed during the 1999 Kargil war, the Pakistan Army demonstrated to the world that it considers its soldiers to be both expendable and disposable. Hence, for an army that can disown its own dead soldiers without an iota of remorse to stage attacks against its own people is not only well within the realms of possibility but in all probability also true!

Yours etc,

Nilesh Kunwar

Punjabi youth from UK visited their ancestral places in Punjab

Jag Mohan Thaken
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Punjabi youth from UK visited their ancestral places in Punjab

A group of 17-Punjabi-youth settled in UK recently arrived on a 10–day tour of Punjab to connect with their roots by visiting the birth place or the native village of their ancestors in Punjab.

While interacting with them at his official residence in Chandigarh, Punjab CM Captain Amarinder Singh urged the visiting delegation to act as cultural ambassadors to complement and create awareness about the state’s growth story. “As you all have witnessed Punjab’s phenomenal growth first hand, I urge you to spread this positive message and dispel any false notions about the state’s law and order situation back in UK,” he said.

Expressing concern over the misconceptions being created by some vested interests about Punjab, he added, “Their visit has equipped the youth to judge for themselves the difference between the perception being built by some vested interests settled abroad and the actual situation on the ground in the state, which was a symbol of prosperity and peace.”

The visit of the delegation was supported by the state government under its ‘Connect with Your Roots’ (CYR) Programme’. The programme was launched in September 2017 with an aim to provide a platform to Indian youth settled abroad to connect with their roots by visiting the birth place or the native village of their ancestors in Punjab. This program aims to offer a unique opportunity to youth to acquaint themselves with the Punjab’s glorious culture and heritage besides visiting places of religious, historic and ethnic importance.

The first batch of youngsters had toured Punjab for ten days in August last year. The scheme is open to youth from U.K, Germany, France, Itally, Balgium, U.S.A and Canada.

Lok Sabha Polls 2019: Election sans issues

Shivaji Sarkar
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Lok Sabha Polls 2019: Election sans issues

The election time is show time. All those who are in the election fray – political parties and candidates- try to woo the voters with new promises. Recently, two major national parties in the country – Congress and BJP presented their election manifestos. Past experiences show that the promises made in election manifestos may be real in some cases and away from the reality in most cases.

The Congress party released its manifesto first, on April 3, and made several tall promises in it. The most talked about of these is the Nyuntam Aay Yojana (NYAY) under which Rs. 72,000/year will be transferred to the poorest 20 per cent house-holds in India. After several promises in the Congress manifesto, a similar expectation was there from the BJP manifesto, which was released on April 8. It, however, is not harping so much on development as it did in 2014. Many past promises of the BJP are incorporated by the Congress with a renewed stress on improving the delivery system. In tune with the campaign, BJP is focussing on issues that would boost up its ‘nationalistic’ approach. It harps on the Jan Sangh’s Article 35A, 370, Kashmir and panders to religious sentiments, not through Lord Ram, but through National Register of Citizens (NRC) – reviving the sentiments of the partition.

The BJP manifesto is light on legal reforms, whether in terms of legislation, policy proposals or judicial reforms. May be, the 2014 document had overdose of it, as the Narendra Modi government repealed 1200 redundant laws. In contrast, Congress proposes 14 new legal reforms.

BJP, like the Congress, is also promising financial assistance to farmers. It has already transferred Rs. 2000 of the Rs. 6000 a year, promised to them. Now it promises Rs. 25 lakh crore investments in agri-rural sector. It looks attractive but the mode of raising funds is not discussed. Obviously, the government does not have that kind of money and for the past many years any investment for the farm sector has come through bank credit. Now banks cannot be further stressed. Corporate investment has been minimal. Depositors are at a crisis as their interest accruals have come down and tax components have increased. But no one seems to be bothered about it.

The manifesto’s stress to turn the country into a defence production hub is yet to be understood. It will have massive investments but no one discusses the criticality of military productions. Would it also cause problems that the US and many western countries are afflicted with?

In 2014, the BJP had promised abolition or maximum relaxation in income-tax rates. It did only partially in 2019 budget by raising the limit to Rs 5 lakh. But those above it would not have any benefit as taxes would be calculated at the threshold limit of Rs 2.5 lakh plus standard deduction. The new manifesto again says that taxes would be relooked into. But the way the party in 2014 promised to do away with road toll on private vehicles and later reneged, has not caused enthusiasm. Demonestisation does not find a mention. Politically it should have stressed on its benefits.

Somehow, Odisha’s Krushak Assistance for Livelihood and Income Augmentation (KALIA)  scheme has its echo in the manifesto. The BJP promises to take care of pension for farmers, shopkeepers and has already introduced in the budget pension for unorganized workers. The welfare schemes are good but its economic costs certainly are not estimated during poll time.

The poll time is also the time to discuss critical issues. But the Election Commission (EC) has sanitised the campaign to such an extent that parties are neither approaching voters neither they are discussing problems. The process stymies democratic discussion. That is possibly the reason for low turn-out in the first phase of polls. Voters apparently are feeling cut-off.

Winning the poll battle is not enough. Welfare economics charms but is devoid of hard realities. Contesting a key election without national policies on jobs, farms, industrial production, low inflation and sound financial institutions may prove to be costly. Post-poll the path has to change.

Medical assistance to Afghan National Army by India

News Intervention Bureau
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Medical assistance to Afghan National Army by India

To alleviate the challenges and sufferings of some of the critically injured Afghan National Army (ANA) soldiers, HE Shri Vinay Kumar, Ambassador of India recently presented 100 motorized wheelchairs to the ANA. India also remains committed to extending medical relief and assistance to the ANA personnel.

Till date, Indian Army has also trained 4880 ANA personnel in various professional, educational and military training programs, including training ANA doctors and medical technicians.

India remains committed to further strengthening the strategic relationship between the Indian Army and the ANA.

Has BJP already conceded its defeat in Madhya Pradesh?

Narender Yadav
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Has BJP already conceded its defeat in Madhya Pradesh?


With high-profile seats like Bhopal, Guna and Vidisha being grossly mismanaged by BJP Central Election Committee, ground-level workers as well as several state BJP leaders seems to be on the back foot. This election might turn out to be a real ‘poll-khol’ for the BJP.

In December 2018, Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) lost its government in Madhya Pradesh by five seats. Though BJP’s vote share was 0.1 percent more than the Congress, yet it won 109 seats, while Congress formed the government with 114 seats. Almost five months after the close defeat for BJP in the Assembly elections, the party is now writing a script for yet another election defeat in the state – this time a bigger and bitter one. In the last Lok Sabha elections, the BJP had won 27 of the 29 seats in the state, however, this year BJP is even finding it difficult to field ‘winnable’ candidates on several important seats.

While, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and BJP President Amit Shah are on a fast-track tour to ensure they are able to bring Modi Sarkar back at the centre, but workers and leaders in the state are on the back foot. Going by the choice of candidates on crucial seats like Guna, Bhopal and Vidisha as well as reluctance of several sitting MPs and senior BJP leaders to contest elections from their traditional stronghold parliamentary constituencies, it becomes amply clear that party has no plan or strategy in place for elections in Madhya Pradesh.

Guna provides a perfect example, how BJP decided to commit a political suicide. Instead of giving a tough fight to Jyotiraditya Scindia of Congress, BJP has decided to give him the victory trophy even before the election. Guna has always been a stronghold of Scindia family and even Modi wave failed to blossom a lotus here in 2014 election. For several weeks, BJP state poll panel, kept suspense on finalizing the candidate for Guna, presumably to look for a ‘powerful’ candidate who can give a tough fight to Scindia at his safest den. Eventually, the party leaders realised the ‘invincibility’ of Scindia in Guna and decided to give ticket to a former Congress leader! Erstwhile Scindia aide, KP Yadav, who joined BJP just before the Assembly elections and also lost from Mungaoli constituency last year, is BJP’s ‘trump card’ to demolish Scindia bastion in Guna. According to sources, “BJP leaders Narendra Singh Tomar and Shivraj Singh Chauhan are behind Yadav’s ‘sudden’ appearance in the poll fray in Guna. Being an ‘outsider’ in BJP, he has little chance to get support from BJP workers in the area and the election is just a formality for both BJP as well as Congress.” Interestingly, sitting BJP MP from Gwalior, Narendra Singh Tomar, himself has shifted to Morena, due to fear of facing a complete rout in Gwalior. He is also not much convinced about fighting the election. Recently, while interacting with media in Shivpuri, he said “It is not important to become a Member of Parliament. What’s important is that one must work to strengthen the party.”

Bhopal is another political battleground, where no BJP leader was willing to contest against Congress stalwart Digvijay Singh. With no other option left, BJP had to bring in Sadhvi Pragya. Within 2-days of announcing her name, BJP got the taste of their misdemeanor, when she maligned slain police officer Hemant Karkare and BJP had to do firefighting to douse the widespread criticism. Probably, BJP was thinking of creating a ‘Yogi effect’ in MP with the Sadhvi, but failed to realize that Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh have different socio-political base and a saffron-clad Sadhvi might not simply means garnering more hindu votes.

Even on traditionally powerful seats like Vidisha and Indore, BJP stalwarts like Sushma Swaraj and Sumitra Mahajan are not fighting elections. Eight-time MP from Indore Sumitra Mahajan, who is 76, has decided to not contest the upcoming elections citing ‘age-related decision’ of the party that no candidate above 75-years of age would be given ticket. As a result, no candidate has been named till now. Vidisha is another prestigious seat for BJP, which was once represented by Atal Bihari Vajpayee as well. With External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj not ‘willing’ to contest the elections this year, Vidisha is one more vacant space for BJP from where they have fielded a candidate Ramakant Bhargav, whose only political achievement till now has been his proximity to Shivraj Singh Chauhan.

With high-profile seats like Bhopal, Guna and Vidisha being grossly mismanaged by BJP Central Election Committee, ground-level workers as well as several state BJP leaders seems to be on the back foot.  This election might turn out to be a real ‘poll-khol’ for the BJP.

Kashmir Highway ban serves nobody’s interest

Farooq Wani
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Kashmir Highway ban serves nobody’s interest

Two months after the suicide attack in Pulwama on a CRPF convoy that killed 40 paramilitary soldiers, Jammu and Kashmir Governor Satya Pal Malik, issued an unusual order banning civilian traffic on the J&K highway on every Sunday and Wednesday until May 31, citing security concerns as the reason to restrict civilian traffic. “Keeping in view the large movement of security forces on the national highway during the Parliamentary elections and associated possibility of any Fidayeen attack on security forces’ convoys, the state government has notified specified days in a week for the movement of security forces from Srinagar to Jammu,” said a Government Communiqué.

In order to understand the implications of this order it is necessary to get an idea about J&K highway. While the stretch from Udhampur to the Banihal Tunnel is mostly double lane, the highway widens after it emerges in the Valley, splitting into four lanes from Qazigund in South Kashmir to Narbal in Srinagar. After Narbal, the highway once again narrows to two lanes till Baramula. As the highway is the only stretch of road that connects Kashmir Valley to the outside world, the order restricting civil traffic twice a week is bound to cause heavy disruption in the day-to-day lives of Kashmiris. Those particularly affected will be medical patients, school children, businessmen, government employees, farmers and orchardists as well as drivers of public transport.

The restriction on movement of civilian traffic will add to problems already being faced by commuters due to the frequent closure of this highway on account of landslides and bad weather, which has forced adoption of a one-way traffic system for commercial vehicles. Since J&K is heavily dependent on supply of essential commodities from outside the state, the J&K highway becomes its lifeline and disruptions in vehicular traffic leads to scarcity of various items which in turn leads to hoarding by unscrupulous people that result in prices shooting up phenomenally. This leads to widespread dissatisfaction and can create a crisis, with people taking to the streets in protest. Srinagar has an airport but using the air mode to trans-ship goods and commodities is not only economically unviable but is also far beyond the handling capacity of this airport.

Since Kashmir Valley is a popular tourist destination, restrictions on civilian traffic will adversely affect the already tottering tourism industry. Similarly, this order will also disrupt the smooth movement of fruit laden trucks from Srinagar during the crucial period of April and May. Due to this, those associated with the horticulture sector will also suffer due to the impact on movement of fruits and vegetables which are perishable items.

The army has not yet commented on this issue but former Army Chief Gen VS Malik’s tweet slamming it as a “dumb idea” since it “…goes against the core object of winning hearts and minds” and “..shows forces becoming over defensive” seems to be in tune with the sentiments of the army. Gen Malik is not the lone army man who has criticised this move; even former Army Chief Gen VK Singh who is part of the government has voiced his reservations and so has ex-Northern Army Commander Lt Gen DS Hooda. Gen Malik’s suggestion that there is a need to strengthen the local police, intelligence setup and improving the security during troop movement reflects the positivity that exists in the mindset of security forces and central government needs to take serious notice of this.

Facing criticism for closing down the national highway connecting Jammu with Srinagar, the Union Home Ministry took refuge in statistics to claim the ban was for only 15% of total weekly hours. Underlining that the ban became necessary in the backdrop of the Pulwama attack, it has clarified that the step is a temporary measure that has been taken for ensuring safe movement of forces till May 31.

Political parties in J&K, including the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the J&K Peoples Movement, approached the High Court on State Home Department’s order to restrict civilian traffic twice a week on the national highway. The High Court issued a notice to the union ministries of home and defence and the state government to furnish a reply by April 19 to the petitions challenging the traffic order as it was in violation of fundamental rights of the people. Kashmir’s business body has called for immediate revocation of the government order banning movement of civilian traffic on the highway. They said the order does not augur well for a democratic set-up and has been rightly condemned by all stakeholders. Since this ban comes in the wake of Lok Sabha polls in which the main thrust of J&K politics remains fixated on Centre-State relations, it is bound to influence elections results in Kashmir valley.  

The logic of taking no chances in the run-up to the elections is well understood, the decision, however, should have been taken after weighing all pros and cons. It seems here that price that is likely to be paid for the move is too high in comparison to what will be gained. The movement of troops has been a regular feature in J&K over the last 30 years but never before has such a measure been imposed. Even in the 1990s when militancy was far more entrenched and more widespread no routine restrictions on movement of civil traffic on J&K highway was ever imposed.

It is well within the authority of the government to have a rethink on the order. Consultation with the Army by Home Ministry would be of some value since the forces seem to be confident of meeting whatever challenge the militants would pose in this crucial period. Rescinding the order may be a good idea for the government.

Poor political leadership continues to plague Kashmir

Jaibans Singh
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Poor political leadership continues to plague Kashmir

As the people of Jammu and Kashmir get on to vote to elect their representatives in the Indian Parliament, it becomes relevant to dwell on the report card of the esteemed Members of Parliament (MPs) from this state who were elected by the people in 2014 General Elections.

To begin with, many of these elected representatives have not completed their terms. Tariq Hamid Karra, MP from the Srinagar constituency resigned in October 2016 and Farooq Abdullah was elected in his place in April, 2017. Mehbooba Mufti, MP from Anantnag constituency, resigned in July 2016 and the seat has remained vacant ever since. Thupstan Chewang, MP from Ladakh resigned in December 2018.

Out of those who have completed their term, Musaffar Hussain Beig, MP from Baramulla has the most terrible performance record as provided by PRSIndia. Musaffar Hussain Beig’s attendance stands at 11%, he has participated in three debates, has asked 19 questions and initiated no Private Members’ Bill. It is quite evident that he had no interest in representing his people in the highest seat of Indian democracy where they had sent him. Jugal Kishore Sharma, MP from Jammu and Dr. Jitendra Singh, MP from Udhampur constituency were the only two who remained regular. Of these, Dr. Jitendra Singh was a Cabinet Minister. 

With such a miserable performance, the so-called mainstream local political parties of Kashmir should hide their faces in shame and not seek to represent their people in the Parliament again. But, wonder of wonders, they have fielded candidates in all the constituencies, some have even forged alliances. As the campaigning progresses, one tends to experience a sense of déjà vu. There is nothing happening in the electioneering that has not happened earlier. The candidates who have presented themselves for elections are more or less the same, they have been in this business for decades on end, in fact, for a life time and are not ready to make way for some fresh talent, such is their thirst for power and money.  Some have changed parties and are parroting the political line of their new establishments with whom they were at loggerheads earlier.

The campaigning, especially so in the Kashmir Valley, is following the tried and tested path of castigating opponents and talking of contentious political issues. Those who have been parliamentarians umpteen times and are seeking election yet again are not listing out their achievements and how they will build upon the same; it is so because they have nothing to show as performance and have no option but to skirt the issue.

There is no attempt being made to bring about a feeling of positivity by giving assurance of an improvement in the quality of life of the people with better security and economic stability. The narrative, instead, is designed to put an element of fear in the minds of the people by creating an impression that the candidate and his party are saviours of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. This is a reprehensible falsity but, sadly, democracy does not provide any means to check the same.

The end result of this confrontational path being adopted by Kashmiri leaders of all parties has a sinister connotation. Passions are being flared with no thought to the end result. A societal rift is being created among the people who are already suffering a grave sense of insecurity and alienation. By the time this psychological campaign culminates the fault lines will be more embedded than before. The politicians will get what they want but the people will be left floundering.

Can somebody kindly remind these so-called tallest leaders of Kashmiri people that their people are suffering at the hands of a foreign-driven radical ideology boosted by cross border terrorism. And, under the circumstances, their primary duty is to remove the disaffection among their youth which is guiding them towards a self destructive path of violence.

Experts across the world are identifying erosion of cultural values; radicalisation and the lack of parental control over the current young generation as reasons for the existing environment of political instability in Kashmir. The political leadership knows this very well but it is refusing to take the opportunity presented by the elections to address the core issues. Leaders are, in fact, fuelling this fire by making wild statements with open threats of leading a revolution to separate Kashmir Valley from the Indian Union. With huge properties outside the state and their children settled across the world they have nothing to lose, but what of the people who have to live where they were born? Can they survive outside of the Indian Union? Is any thought being given to the future of their children?

Here is one good example of the duplicity and double speak of these so-called leaders. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) provides protection to the soldier involved in ensuring peace in the region and protecting the people from the evils of foreign-sponsored terrorism. Politicians in Kashmir, regardless of the party they represent, are known to make loud demands for abrogation or dilution of AFSPA when they get into election campaign mode. The same is the case this time too. They conveniently forget that the very election rally that they are addressing has been facilitated by a meticulously established security cover provided by the very soldiers whom they are hounding in their jaundiced speeches. Once campaigning ends, all talk of abrogating AFSPA also ends so far as the politicians are concerned, what remains is an element of doubt, however small, in the minds of some innocent common men and women that AFSPA is actually the reason behind all of their problems and not lack of education, infrastructure, jobs, skill development etc. that these politicians are responsible to provide.  

All the Jihadis and foreign sponsored fundamentalist elements joined together would not have been able to damage the psyche of the Kashmir people so much as the so-called candidates standing for elections will in a short period of over a month’s times. These elements and their self-serving nefarious designs stand exposed. The people of Kashmir deserve better than this.

Art 370 & Art 35-A have distorted the issue of ‘State Subject’ in Jammu and Kashmir

Sant Kumar Sharma
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Art 370 & Art 35-A have distorted the issue of ‘State Subject’ in Jammu and Kashmir

Today is April 20, 2019, and it was on this day in the year 1927 that the first formal definition of ‘State Subject’ was out in public domain in Jammu and Kashmir during the reign of Maharaja Hari Singh. Subsequently, a supplementary notification was issued five years and two months later on June 27, 1932.

These two definitions are the basis of all controversies that surround Article 370 as also Article 35-A today. Those defending the twin articles of the Indian Constitution say that they are defending the special laws made by the Maharaja.

Foremost among them are the leaders of National Conference once led by Sheikh Abdullah who did everything possible to humiliate the Maharaja. It was the combined machinations of Sheikh and his bosom friend Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India that ensured the exile of Maharaja Hari Singh. It is the second and third generations of the Abdullahs (former chief ministers Farooq Abdullah and Omar Abdullah), who are most vociferous defendants of something that the Maharaja did.

Ironically, Abdullahs, virtually sworn enemies of the late Maharaja, project themselves as the most ardent defenders of the State Subject laws in 2019. The National Conference (NC), under them, decided to boycott the elections of the panchayats and the urban local bodies (ULBs) held in late 2018, saying they were doing so to defend ”Article 35-A and Article 370″.

Mehbooba Mufti led her party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), to follow into arch-rival NC’s footsteps. Some may say that the NC and the PDP showed a wonderful unanimity in defending the Maharaja’s laws. That is a rather simplistic interpretation of their moves and amounts to falling into their trap. Just as PDP did fall into the “poll boycott call” given by the NC.

The NC is one party which gained by emerging once again as the prime defender of the concerns of the Kashmiris regarding the articles of the Indian Constitution facing scrutiny in the Supreme Court of the country. By this deft move, it managed to push the PDP out of the central space of the discourse in J&K and also throughout the country.

The NC is now clearly being talked of as the party that will most likely bounce back to power whenever Legislative Assembly elections are held in J&K.

Abdullahs’ and Muftis’ as apparent collective defenders of the Maharaja’s laws have made the most devious and hilarious political move. Almost throughout their history, these parties and their leaders have only fanned contempt, and outright hatred for the Maharaja. In their narratives, Maharaja Hari Singh was always portrayed as a ”communal Hindu Maharaja ruling innocent Muslim Kashmiris” using his sword. As if the Mughals of Delhi durbar ruled Kashmir by giving a rose flower a day to all Kashmiris!

The defence of Article 35-A as also of the Article 370 by these parties is totally contrived. Maharaja’s laws on the issue of State Subject were much more liberal and enabling then either or both of these articles. In Maharaja Hari Singh’s reign, a 10-year period of residency in Jammu and Kashmir enabled anyone to apply for grant of domicile and citizenship of the state. And this is just one such example of enabling provision in the State Subject laws of the Maharaja.

The present Article 35-A, which governs the definition of Permanent Residents of J&K, has no such enabling provision. An arbitrary date of ”those arriving 10 years prior to May 14, 1954″ has been set for defining eligibility for the grant of PRCs (Permanent Resident Certificate).

Legal entrants to the state of Jammu and Kashmir, like the West Pakistan refugees, Gorkhas who entered the state to defend and expand its borders, Valmikis who were invited to the state by its government are not eligible to be Permanent Residents of the state. The West Pakistan refugees entered the state in 1947, the Valmikis in 1957 and the Gorkhas much earlier, are all collectively persona non grata.

The disability thrust upon these people by Article 35-A could not have been imagined or conceived in the Maharaja’s laws. The West Pakistan refugees would have become naturalised State Subjects (or PRC holders in today’s parlance) in 1957. The Valmikis would have become eligible for the grant of the PRCs in 1967, similarly the Gorkhas would have become eligible for PRCs.

It is a patent falsehood to say that Article 35-A or Article 370 are Maharaja’s laws.

The Maharaja’s laws for the protection of his ‘praja’ (people) were non-discriminatory and had enabling provisions. The 1927 law of the Maharaja was more progressive than the modern Indian Constitution.

At a communal level, if the current provisions of Article 35-A and Article 370 are examined, the state government of J&K has legislated some laws for enabling Muslims who fled J&K to neighbouring Pakistan to return. Subject to fulfilment of certain terms and conditions, these Muslims can become PRC holders again. However, when it comes to the Hindus or Sikhs or Christians, who were living in the Maharaja’s territorial jurisdiction and went out of J&K due to distress, or those who have been living here for generations, there are no enabling provisions ever legislated by any state government.

The West Pakistan refugees, who carry an odd nomenclature of ‘Pakistan’ defining them till date, a country they had fled to save their lives, the Valmikis and the Gorkhas are all Indian citizens, living permanently in Jammu and Kashmir. However, legally they are not Permanent Residents as defined under Part III of the Jammu and Kashmir Constitution which comprises five sections from Section 6 to Section 10.

Irony perhaps dies a hundred deaths every minute in J&K as these are all Indian citizens but lesser and second class citizens condemned to a third rate treatment than those Indian citizens living in J&K having PRCs (Permanent Resident Certificates). These are domiciled in Jammu and Kashmir and spent their entire lives and die here absolutely like others do. But no. They are not legal domiciles of the state as the J&K Constitution does not treat them as domiciles of the state.

Let us hope that the hearings on the petitions pertaining to Article 35-A begin in the Supreme Court someday soon. The parties opposing these provisions and those supporting them both present their points of views and the court gives its verdict.

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