Following weeks of deadly protests which was started by students against the job quota reservation system that led to the resignation of Bangladesh’s Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, the South Asian country is now under an interim government led by Nobel Peace Prize-winning economist Muhammad Yunus. Veteran Bangladeshi journalist Md. Sazzad Hossain who served as Acting Editor at Provati Khoborand shares his insights with Sabita Mishra, Special Correspondent of News Intervention on the challenges and opportunities ahead for the new administration.
Sabita Mishra: The interim government is tasked with restoring the independence of key institutions like the judiciary, civil service and media that were heavily politicized under the Hasina government. What are the biggest challenges in depoliticizing these institutions, and what specific steps should the interim administration take?
Md. Sazzad Hossain: I am not very optimistic about the depoliticization of the judiciary, civil service and media in Bangladesh. It appears to be a nearly-impossible task for the interim government led by Nobel Peace Laureate Dr. Muhammad Yunus as the three key sectors — the judiciary, civil service and the media – witnessed politicization not only during the past 15 years of Sheikh Hasina’s rule . . . the culture of politicization began with the country’s independence from Pakistan back in 1971.
The ousted Hasina government, however, set the worst examples during the past 15 years. Both in the judiciary and in the civil service, she placed the people of her choice in the key positions. The media experienced the worst possible level of politicization thanks to the direct influence of the Prime Minister’s Office in placing pro-Awami League journalists in the top management-level positions of all media outlets. Instances are also there that a good number of television channels, newspapers and online news portals, owned by Awami League leaders or pro-AL businessmen, even did not accept any news that would go against the interest of the government.
Politicization has been institutionalized here in Bangladesh.Even five or six of the incumbent interim government advisers have proof of their bias towards particular political parties. So how can you expect depoliticization? The interim administration can only try to streamline the sectors by bringing changes in the top positions. To get these sectors depoliticized you have to take at least a 10-year plan. Meanwhile, use of social media platforms by judges and their involvement with any type of organization should be restricted strictly while there should a complete ban on doing politics by civil servants and professionals like journalists, physicians and teachers.
Sabita MIshra : How concerned are you about the potential for violence and reprisals targeting Awami League members and supporters in the aftermath of Hasina’s resignation? What role can the military play in preventing such retaliatory attacks, and what are the risks of this involvement?
Md. Sazzad Hossain: The situation is much better now. Normalcy has returned to every sector. As soon as Hasina fled to India on August 5, people went unruly and resorted to violence targeting Awami League leaders and activists and their establishments, the police personnel, police stations and police vehicles to demonstrate the impact of the sheer anger and wrath the Hasina-led government ‘purchased’ over the past 15 years in exchange for the unbridled corruption and nepotism, ruthless torture of opposition activists, holding almost voter-less sham elections, politicization of all sectors, media gagging, snatching away the freedom of expression, plundering of banks and other financial institutions, laundering of hundreds of thousands of crores of taka (Bangladesh currency) and, in particular, using the police as a force to establish an absolute reign of terror across the country.
Here I want to mention that the violent activities were not a one-sided affair. Some mainstream Bangladeshi media outlets reported that AL activists also attacked their political rivals and went on the rampage at different places. The Army has so far done a very good job in preventing the recurrence of such incidents. They gave shelter to 626 ‘controversial’AL former ministers, leaders, judges, bureaucrats, police personnel and some of their families inside the cantonment to ‘save them from the people’s wrath’. Now the military should start returning to barracks as police personnel, barring some highly controversial senior officials, have already joined work and all 639 police stations across the country resumed operations.
Sabita Mishra: How significant is the role of student leaders who spearheaded the protest movement, and how can the interim government ensure their voices are meaningfully represented, given their lack of formal political experience? What are the risks of them being sidelined by more established political actors?
Md. Sazzad Hossain: Surely the student coordinators, who spearheaded the movement, had played and even now playing a pivotal role in the ouster of the Sheikh Hasina’s government. The interim government, especially its head Dr. Yunus, is giving priority to the two advisers picked from among the coordinators of the anti-discrimination student movement. Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud, who were inducted into the interim government with the charge of one ministry each, were later given the responsibility of two more important ministries in an apparently bold move by Dr Yunus that displays his intention to put aside the lack of formal political experience of the two young university students.
The interim government has so far focussed more on the students’ demands and causes compared to other established political actors leaving little chance for them to be sidelined and their voices suppressed. Barring a few bold decisions, including removal of the representatives of all local government bodies, excepting those elected in union councils, the interim government has so far kept itself confined to some routine works belying the popular demand of taking immediate steps to hold the next general elections at the earliest. But the scenario will start changing with the government taking visible steps to hold the elections paving the way for established political actors to come to the limelight.
Sabita Mishra: Given Bangladesh’s strategic location and India’s historical influence, how might regional geopolitics shape the transition process? What are the risks of Bangladesh getting caught in a tug-of-war between India and China as it seeks to rebuild its democracy?
Md. Sazzad Hossain: In the present context, it will be a big challenge as well as a contentious issue for the Yunus-led government to deal with India and China as far as regional geopolitics is concerned. But I think that Dr Yunus will go by the Bangladesh’s foreign policy dictum “Friendship to all, malice towards none” leaving no room for other country/countries to act beyond diplomatic norms.
Despite that India’s role will be the key determining factor in this regard. There is every possibility that the regional geopolitics will get a new shape – from Indo-Bangla to Sino-Bangla — if India, to be specific Narendra Modi’s government, fails to warmly accept the ouster of Sheikh Hasina and tries to interfere on Bangladesh’s internal affairs. However, Modi’s warm relation with Hasina, her rivalry with Dr Yunus and his links with US may pave the way for China to strengthen its bonding with Bangladesh, and ultimately leave Bangladesh in a tug-of-war as you said.
Sabita Mishra: What are the potential long-term implications of this crisis for Bangladesh’s economic development, particularly its crucial garment export industry?
Md. Sazzad Hossain: I don’t find any scope of negative impact on the overall economic development, rather there is every possibility that the economy will rebound gradually. I firmly believe that before handing over power to an elected government, Prof Yunus will be able to recover the damages caused by Hasina’s government by guiding the economy towards its right direction.
The export-oriented garment sector faced challenges tougher than the current one at different times, especially during the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic period when the factories remained closed for a long time. But during the recent movement production disrupted for as many as 15 days. So, there should be no long-term negative impact on the export-oriented garment sector as well as on the national economy.
Sabita Mishra : The resurgence of fundamentalist factions like Jamaat-e-Islami is seen in the wake of Hasina’s departure. What steps can the interim government take to prevent the rise of religious extremism?
Md. Sazzad Hossain: Sort of extremism – be it political or religious – should be dealt with an iron hand. The then government of Sheikh Hasina, in accordance with a decision made by the Awami League-led 14-party Alliance, on August 1 banned Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, its student wing Islami Chhatra Shibir and all of its front organizations as political parties and entities under the Anti-Terrorism Act-2009. Just four days after its ban and immediately after the fall of Hasina’s government on August 5, Jamaat -e-Islami, along with other political parties excepting for the AL, civil society members and student representatives, was invited to a meeting convened by the Chief of Army Staff, General Waker-Uz-Zaman, to discuss the formation of interim government.
Although inviting Jamaat in the meeting surprised many, the party remained as a political partner or tool for both AL and BNP (Bangladesh Nationalist Party) since 1986. The Awami League first forged alliance with Jamaat in 1986 for taking part in elections during the autocratic HM Ershad regime, and again in 1995 for elections and movements against BNP government. Interestingly,BNP forged alliance with Jamaat in 1999 to wage movement against the then AL-government.
Therefore, the resurgence of Jamaat was obvious in the changed situation and the major political parties have to shoulder the responsibility for this. Also, other fundamentalist factions will reappear cashing in on the ongoing turmoil and it will be one of the biggest challenges for the interim government to prevent their rise. In this regard, the interim government, if necessary, has to be stringent and ensure that no person or party can do politics using religion as a tool.
Sabita Mishra: The Hindus have traditionally supported the Awami League party led by the ousted Prime Minister Hasina. How might the rise of opposition forces like the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, with its alleged ties to hardline Islamist groups, impact the security and rights of Hindu communities going forward?
Md. Sazzad Hossain : The religious minority communities, the Hindu community in particular, were victims of targeted violence by BNP supporters after the 2001 general elections. On the other hand, at least 61 people — most of them Madrassa students — were killed and hundreds other were injured, mostly with bullet wounds, in a crackdown by the then Hasina government on the activists of Hefazat-e-Islam, an Islamic party, while they were holding a protest rally in Bangladesh’s commercial hub Motijheel on May 5 in 2013.
In March 2021, hundreds of members and supporters of the party were subject to arrest and torture for protesting a visit of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Bangladesh. People wearing long punjabis and keeping long beards, which in Islam calls Sunnahs, were subject to frequent torture and humiliation in the Muslim majority Bangladesh. All these are heinous acts… killing of and torture on people of any community and vandalism of their properties cannot be justified under any circumstance. Also, there is no scope to differentiate Hindu, Muslim, Christian or Buddhist as all are citizens of Bangladesh.
In the present context, as you wanted to know whether the Hindu community is safe and their rights are protected, I think everyone is safe and rights of every citizen irrespective of cast and creed are safeguarded. The recent attacks on some Hindus are neither communal nor religious, this is totally political to some extent. Many Muslims also came under attack which had no connection with religion. Most influential Muslim figures in the immediate past government also left the country or went into hiding to avoid people’s wrath.
Gana Bhaban, the ousted premier’s official residence, Bangabandhu Memorial Museum and houses of many ministers and advisers of the toppled government, AL and its alliance leaders were vandalized in an outburst of anger against the government. On the other hand, madrassa students joined volunteers at different places of the country to guard temples and other places of worship of the religious minorities.
Sabita Mishra: Beyond the current situation, what structural reforms or policy changes are needed in Bangladesh to better protect the rights and security of religious minorities like Hindus in the long run, regardless of which political party is in power?
Md. Sazzad Hossain: As a Muslim-majority country the state religion of Bangladesh is Islam, but the country’s constitution ensures equal status and equal right in the practice of the Hindu, Buddhist, Christian and other religions. Even after that if the religious minorities think that they need structural reforms and policy changes to better protect their rights and security, they can work on it and approach the government with their logical demands.
There are a good number of platforms of religious minorities, the largest one named “Hindu-Bouddo-Christian Okiya Parishad” (Hindu-Buddhist-Christian Unity Council), and they went to the government in many occasions with their various demands. Likewise, scopes are there for them to call on the interim government and raise their demands.
Sabita Mishra: What role does the CIA and other foreign elements played in the recent political upheaval in Bangladesh?
Md. Sazzad Hossain: I think overconfidence and stubbornness of Sheikh Hasina spelled the disaster for her as well as for her party and the government. Ruling a country for a long time usually makes the ruler a dictator to some extent and Sheikh Hasina was not an exception. Had Hasina accepted the students’ demand for revision of quota system in government jobs at the early stage and refrained from making derogatory comments on the agitating students, the situation would not take a turn for the worse and question of her resignation would not arise.
I think some anti-Hasina internal and external elements were the beneficiary of the student movement… there might have some provocations at the final stage of the movement, particularly when protestors came up with a one-point oust government movement.