The best part of being Pakistan’s Army chief is that while the lucky incumbent wields unlimited authority and power, he virtually has no accountability. Gen [later Field Marshal] Ayub Khan’s unprovoked aggression to annex J&K [Operation Gibraltar] in 1965 was a monumental failure that pushed the country into a full blown war with India that cost Pakistan dearly in terms of human lives and money, but no one ever questioned his ill-considered decision. 

In the summer of 1971, Gen Yahya Khan sought to use brute military force [Operation Searchlight] for suppressing a genuine nationwide peaceful public movement in erstwhile East Pakistan and the unspeakable atrocities committed by the Pakistan Army and its sponsored vigilante squads sowed the seeds of discontent and culminate in the creation of BanglaDesh.

In the late seventies, Gen Zia ul Haq made a Faustian bargain to pocket US aid by covertly supporting Uncle Sam’s proxy war against the then USSR in Afghanistan. Allowing unrestricted use of its soil for indoctrinating and training radicalised Islamists that it invited from across the globe, Rawalpindi turned the areas bordering Afghanistan into a veritable breeding ground for religious fundamentalism. Even today, the hapless people of Pakistan continue to pay for this unpardonable decision made more than four decades ago by Gen Zia. 

In 2004, Gen Pervez Musharraf brazenly compromised Pakistan’s sovereignty by allowing the US use of its airspace for drone strikes against terrorists. That more innocent civilians than terrorists were killed in the drone attacks that followed remains just a statistic.

The Army’s Blunders

That no one in Pakistan has seriously sought an explanation for these humongous blunders or demanded accountability may surprise greenhorns but not Pakistan watchers who are well aware that questioning Rawalpindi is tantamount to sacrilege. In fact, by reiterating that “Any effort to weaken our armed forces is akin to weakening the state,” Gen Munir has once again made it clear that in Pakistan, the Army continues to reign supreme and remain a holy cow. 

Furthermore, upsetting Rawalpindi can prove dangerous and even prime ministers aren’t spared. Asking awkward questions or asserting constitutional rights can enrage Rawalpindi and the ‘delinquent’ could well become a victim of “judicial murder” [Like Zulfikar Alli Bhutto], get assassinated [Like Benazir Bhutto], face incarceration [Like Imran Khan], or even exile [like Nawaz Sharif]. Conversely, those who play ball with Rawalpindi may be lucky recipients of Rawalpindi’s largesse and end up as Pakistan’s “selected” Prime Minister like PTI chief Imran Khan or get rehabilitated à la PML [N] chief Nawaz Sharif.

Rawalpindi has a congenital affliction of passing the buck by placing the onus of adverse developments on others. Remember ex Pakistan President and former Army chief Gen Musharraf’s pompous claim that “Military rule [in Pakistan] has always brought the country back on track, whereas civilian governments have always derailed it.” And more recently, didn’t erstwhile Army chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa regale us with his “the fall of East Pakistan was not a military but a political failure” howler?

So, Gen Syed Asim Munir’s assertion that “Every day, we are addressing the shortcomings in governance through the sacrifices of our martyrs,” [Emphasis added], is along expected lines. While it’s no secret that the fissiparous forces within are hindering Pakistan’s progress and disturbing peace, to hold politicians solely responsible for the unstoppable scourge of terrorism is stretching things a bit too far. This serious insinuation also raises several questions.

Rawalpindi’s Grip

In December 2022, while refuting the then Interior Minister Rana Sanaullah’s claim that the parliament had authorised the military to hold talks with proscribed Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan [TTP] terrorist group, former Senate chairman and PPP leader Mian Raza Rabbanitold Dawn that “No permission was sought by the military from parliament for holding parleys with the TTP” [Emphasis added] and that the Army had merely informed the parliamentary committee on national security that negotiations with TTP were taking place. The moot point here is that when the National Assembly didn’t authorise these talks, is it the politicians or Rawalpindi that is responsible for cozying up to TTP, which has the blood of thousands of Pakistani soldiers and civilians on their hands?

Secondly, in August 2022, people of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa [KP] took to the streets protesting against TTP presence and this issue even came up for discussion in the National Assembly. The question for Rawalpindi is, why did Pakistan Army’s media wing Inter Services Public Relations [ISPR] outrightly deny this claim? Why did it state that “misperception about alleged presence of [a] large number of proscribed organisation TTP’s armed members in Swat Valley has been created on social media,” while adding that “After confirmation on ground, these reports have been found as grossly exaggerated and misleading.”

ISPR’s simultaneous assurance that “Presence of militants anywhere will not be tolerated and they will be dealt with full use of force, if required” would have been reassuring had the ISPR statement not gone on to say that “small number of armed men on few mountain-tops between Swat and Dir has been observed, located far away from population.” [Emphasis added]. The question Rawalpindi needs to answer is whether presence of armed men on Pakistani soil is acceptable to the Pakistan Army as long as they are in a “small number” and “located far away from population”?  

Similarly, even if Gen Munir’s unproven allegation about terrorist groups working “at the behest of hostile external powers” is true, can the Pakistan Army cite this as an excuse for its abject failure to curb terrorist activities? Is it not a fact that the Pakistani delegation involved in peace negotiations with TTP was led not by a politician or bureaucrat but a three-star General of the Pakistan Army who took decisions without even consulting the government?

Terrorism and Treachery

As such, Rawalpindi needs to explain why more than 100 TTP fighters convicted for perpetrating terrorist acts [including murder] of Pakistan Army personnel, members of other security forces and law enforcement agencies as well as civilians were unconditionally set free as a confidence building measure? Even if the government had approved this release, wasn’t it Rawalpindi’s constitutional responsibility towards the country and its citizens to nix this outrageous move to free remorseless killers held in Army custody?

With Rawalpindi deciding who to make Prime minister, for Gen Munir to blame “shortcomings in governance” for the sorry state of affairs in Pakistan is rather unfortunate. Passing the buck when faced with failure is the forte of politicians not soldiers. It would therefore do Gen Munir a lot of good to accord more attention to the Army’s primary role and take terrorism by its horns rather than remain over obsessed with issues like ‘digital terrorism’ and social media spreading “anarchy” in the country leading to “degradation of moral values.”

Gen Munir needs to realise that while waxing eloquent on Pakistan Army’s resolve to end terrorism may provide the terrorism-weary people of Pakistan temporary psychological relief, it’s walking this talk that matters- after all, isn’t proof of the pudding is the eating?

Islamabad descended into chaos as protests led by supporters of jailed former Prime Minister Imran Khan escalated into violent clashes with security forces. Five security personnel were killed, including four rangers who were run over by protesters, while dozens, including police officers, sustained injuries. The unrest, which began on Sunday, continued through Tuesday.

The protest march, spearheaded by Khan’s wife, Bushra Bibi, began in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa on Sunday and reached Islamabad by Monday evening. Demonstrators vowed to advance to the high-security D-Chowk, situated near key government buildings, despite police barricades and warnings from authorities. Violent confrontations ensued as protesters removed roadblocks using heavy machinery, torched vehicles, and clashed with law enforcement.

One police officer was fatally shot, while 119 others were injured in Islamabad and across Punjab province. Two officers remain in critical condition. Protesters, in turn, alleged injuries among their ranks. The chaos extended to the Srinagar Highway, where miscreants ran their vehicle over security personnel, killing four rangers and injuring five others.

Pro-Imran Khan Protests

The occupied-government had earlier proposed a compromise, urging the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) leadership to hold their protest at an alternate location. However, Bushra Bibi rejected the offer, demanding that the march progress to D-Chowk as planned. Pakistan’s Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi has since warned of severe consequences if protesters breach the high-security zone.

Imran Khan, who remains in Adiala Jail since his ousting through a no-confidence motion in 2022, has been a central figure in the ongoing political unrest. Facing over 200 cases, including convictions and ongoing trials, Khan has framed his legal battles as politically motivated. Despite his incarceration, Khan’s PTI party won the most seats in February’s general elections, contesting as independents after being denied an official election symbol.

The former premier has called for nationwide protests, denouncing the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and its allies for allegedly orchestrating a “stolen mandate”.

Shiite and Sunni Muslim tribes in Khyber Paskhtunkhwa’s volatile Kurram district have agreed to a fragile ceasefire following days of brutal sectarian violence that claimed over 80 lives, including women and children. The unrest was sparked by an ambush on a Shiite convoy last Thursday, where at least 42 people were killed, triggering a wave of retaliatory violence that engulfed the region.

The clashes, which unfolded in the province near the Afghan border, highlight the long-standing sectarian tensions in Pakistan, particularly in Kurram, a district with a significant Shiite population in an overwhelmingly Sunni-majority country. The region, historically plagued by sectarian violence and militant activity, has seen its residents caught in a deadly cycle of violence perpetuated by the Pak Army’s inability—or unwillingness—to curb the violence.

A spokesperson for the provincial government, Muhammad Ali Saif, confirmed on Sunday that a seven-day ceasefire had been brokered after extensive negotiations with elders from both communities. “The parties also agreed to exchange prisoners and return the bodies of the deceased,” Saif announced, revealing that women were among those being held as prisoners.

While the occupied-authority portrays this ceasefire as a success, it does nothing to address the root causes of the violence. Kurram’s sectarian strife has deep historical roots, further exacerbated by a longstanding land dispute that remains unresolved. Although the attack on the convoy initially appeared to be sectarian, it is believed that the violence was deliberately fueled by external actors, with the tacit approval of Punjabi Pak Army-backed elements seeking to destabilize the already vulnerable Shiite minority.

No group has claimed responsibility for Thursday’s ambush, but questions linger over the role of extremist networks that operate with near-impunity in Pakistan, often targeting Shiite Muslims. The Pak Army’s track record of failing to protect minorities, coupled with its complicity in fostering sectarian militancy, has turned Kurram into a powder keg of religious and ethnic tensions.

Adding to the crisis, over 300 families have reportedly fled the violence-ridden area in search of safety. Mobile networks remain suspended across the district, and the main highway is still blocked, cutting off the region from essential supplies and aid. The ceasefire, while a temporary relief, does little to assure the Shiite community of long-term security in an establishment that has repeatedly failed to deliver justice.

In yet another grim reminder of the deteriorating state of minority rights in Bangladesh, a 15-year-old Hindu girl, Swapna Rani Ghosh, from the Bagura district has been forcibly converted to Islam and married to a Muslim youth. This brazen act of coercion highlights the deepening crisis of religious persecution against the Hindu community in the country. Swapna’s family has alleged that her documents were deliberately forged to falsely show her as 18 years old, a tactic frequently employed to bypass legal scrutiny.

Adding insult to injury, Swapna, like countless other victims, appeared in a scripted video parroting statements prepared by Islamist Dawah groups to legitimize her conversion. Such videos, designed to silence opposition and justify the forced conversions, have become a chilling hallmark of the systematic targeting of Hindu girls in Bangladesh.

Reports of the militant organization Jamaat-e-Islami being involved in the forced conversion of Ritu Chakraborty, another minor Hindu girl, have further exposed the complicit silence of the Bangladeshi government. The growing influence of radical groups, coupled with the state’s indifference, has emboldened these elements to continue their campaign of erasure against Hindu minorities.

The issue goes beyond individual cases of forced conversions. Members of the Tripuri Hindu community, an indigenous group in Bangladesh, are facing relentless pressure to abandon their faith. Reports indicate that local figures, often backed by financial incentives and political protection, are actively working to convert members of this vulnerable community. Alongside religious persecution, Tripuri Hindus are battling issues like land-grabbing and cultural erosion, further marginalizing them in their ancestral homeland.

The Bangladeshi government’s inability—or unwillingness—to act has left the Hindu minority community in a perilous situation. Despite international outcry, Dhaka continues to ignore the rampant forced conversions, allowing Islamist groups to operate unchecked. This failure not only violates Bangladesh’s constitutional promise of religious freedom but also raises serious questions about the government’s commitment to safeguarding its minority citizens.

The Islamic Republic of Pakistan witnessed another devastating blow to peace as armed Shias torched a market in Bagan, Kurram District, in retaliation for the massacre of 110 Shia civilians by Sunnis. On the surface, the unrest appears to be fueled by Sunni-Shia sectarian divides or local land disputes, but the deeper and more sinister motives of the Punjabi Pak Army are becoming glaringly evident.

For centuries, Sunni and Shia Pashtuns have coexisted peacefully in Kurram, relying on their traditional jirga system to mediate disputes. However, in recent years, the region has been engulfed in cycles of orchestrated violence. The Pakistan Army, notorious for its colonial tactics, has deliberately stoked unrest to further its geopolitical and financial agenda. Kurram’s strategic location on the Afghanistan border makes it a prime target for military exploitation, and the Army’s endgame is to displace local Pashtuns through bloodshed and chaos to pave the way for its so-called “New Dollar War.”

Despite the Army’s machinations, the resilient Pashtun communities of Kurram have repeatedly demonstrated their commitment to peace. In October, Sunni and Shia youth gathered in a historic Pashtun National Court Jirga, rejecting sectarian hatred and reaffirming their centuries-old solidarity. They boldly called for the withdrawal of the Punjabi- Pakistan Army, demanding that lingering issues be resolved through their indigenous jirga system. The unity displayed by the Pashtun youth was a direct threat to the Army’s divide-and-conquer strategy.

Predictably, the Army responded in its typical fashion: by fueling fresh violence to derail these peace efforts. As plans for a Kurram Jirga gained momentum, violence erupted again, with armed groups unleashing terror at the Army’s behest. The timing and precision of these attacks leave little doubt about the Army’s role in perpetuating the bloodshed.

The tragedy in Kurram is not an isolated incident but part of a broader pattern of Paki establishment-sponsored oppression against the Pashtuns. From the massacres at Babara, Takkar, and Qissa Khwani to the Kharqamar killings and the Army Public School tragedy, the Pashtuns have long been the victims of Pakistan’s military aggression. The bloodshed in Kurram adds yet another chapter to this grim history of systemic oppression.

In a stark display of state-backed oppression, Hindu protesters in Bangladesh were met with brutal force and obstruction as they attempted to attend a rally in Rangpur organized by the Samilito Sanatani Jagran Manch. The rally, which sought to draw attention to the systematic persecution of Hindus under the authoritarian regime of Md Yunus, was aggressively disrupted by the police and radical Islamist groups.

Police forces reportedly stopped buses and cars carrying Hindu participants, preventing many from reaching the rally site. In numerous instances, protesters were subjected to physical violence, with some being beaten by law enforcement. A particularly heinous attack occurred when a Hindu man on his way to the protest was assaulted by members of the banned militant organization Jamaat-e-Islami, leaving him hospitalized with severe injuries.

The Hindu minority in Bangladesh has long endured systemic violence, but the events in Rangpur underscore the worsening conditions under the Yunus government. Despite the rally being a peaceful demonstration against extremist policies and the growing marginalization of minorities, the regime’s response was emblematic of its undemocratic and oppressive approach. The collaboration between state forces and Islamist extremists further highlights the precarious position of Hindus in the country.

Amid the violence, the resilience of the Hindu community shone through. Thousands braved the threats and repression to gather, voicing their demands for justice and safety.