Yasin Malik’s desperate attempt to stay relevant on Kashmir
Once an icon of the so called ‘armed struggle’ in Kashmir who has had one-on-one meetings with the President of Pakistan and both the prime ministers of India and Pakistan as well as several other world leaders, Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front [JKLF] chairman Yasin Malik has today been relegated to a political non-entity. So, one can well understand his utter frustration and intense desire to somehow regain relevance in Kashmir politics.
That’s why his latest antic of despatching “a detailed letter to the heads of G20 member states that expressed people’s concern over Indian hidden anti-State agenda in hosting their officials meeting on May 22 and 23 in disputed State of Jammu Kashmir” [sic] comes as no big surprise. That the G20 members have taken no cognisance of the same too doesn’t come as a shocker-simply because Malik has no standing that entitles him to express the “people’s concern” on New Delhi’s decision to host a G20 meeting in Srinagar.
That Malik has always been publicity-hungry is evident from his puerile attempts to grab attention. Readers would recall that during his 2002 interview on BBC HARDtalk with Tim Sebastian, he had laughingly not only admitted but also tried to justify killing four unarmed Indian Air Force officers in Kashmir. In 2013, Malik went all the way to Tamil Nadu to attend a function organised by LTTE sympathisers on the eve of LTTE founder Velupillai Prabhakaran’s death anniversary and supported creation of ‘Tamil Elam’ [independent state for Tamils].
Besides his proclivity for publicity, the JKLF chairman is also a wily opportunist player who knows how to turn a threat into an opportunity. On his release from detention in 1994, Malik made headlines by declaring that he had eschewed violence and that JKLF would henceforth only use peaceful means to pursue its separatist agenda. This path-breaking decision won him accolades, and with many likening him to Mahatma Gandhi, Malik became an international celebrity.
The real reason why Malik chose to end the so called ‘armed struggle’ was less to do with lofty ideals and dictated more by compulsion. It was the Pak Army’s spy agency Inter-Services Intelligence [ISI] had created JKLF with the sole purpose of waging a proxy war in J&K, and provided it with the necessary wherewithal in terms of weapons, training and funds for this purpose.
However, due to lack of confidence in JKLF, the ISI created Hizbul Mujahideen [HM] and stopped patronising JKLF and with no support forthcoming from ISI, JKLF’s military capability was practically reduced to zero. Facing an existential threat, Malik adroitly presented himself to the world in the new avatar of a peacenik and thereby ensured his relevance in Kashmir’s separatist polity.
However, with the passage of time Malik’s opportunism and duplicity became apparent to the people of Kashmir. While vehemently accusing the security forces for excesses, this self-professed Gandhian and apostle of peace never even cared to condemn atrocities committed by terrorists against the hapless locals. And most shocking was Malik’s stoic silence on the killing of respected separatist leaders by Hizbul Mujahideen terrorists.
In 2011, JKLF organised a seminar on ‘Role of Intellectuals in the Kashmir Movement’ to commemorate the death anniversary of Prof. Abdul Ahad Wani. An academic and JKLF ideologue, Wani was assassinated in 1993 while he was on his way to the university, and the separatist lobby accused security forces and intelligence for this cold blooded murder.
Speaking at this seminar, senior Hurriyat leader Prof Abdul Gani Bhat stunned the audience by revealing that “[Abdul Gani] Lone sahib, Mirwaiz [Mohammad] Farooq, and Professor [Abdul Ahad] Wani were not killed by the Army or the police. They were targeted by our own people. The story is a long one, but we have to tell the truth.” Bhat went on to say “Wherever we found an intellectual, we ended up killing him. Let us ask ourselves: was Prof Wani a martyr of brilliance or a martyr of rivalry?”
While separatist leader Abdul Gani Lone’s son Sajjad Lone fully endorsed Prof Bhat’s revelation and went on record to condemn the killing of his father and others by terrorists, despite the fact that Prof Wani was a prominent JKLF leader respected for his commitment and integrity, Malik didn’t even utter a single word of condemnation against the murderers of his compatriot. Was this due to fear of retribution from the HM or to stay in the good books of ISI?
In 2013, Malik made yet another attempt to gain ISI’s sympathy by going on a token hunger strike in Islamabad to protest against the execution of Afzal Guru for his role in the 2001 attack on the Indian Parliament that resulted in nine fatalities and left 18 injured. However, instead of being impressed the ISI outwitted him by sending Hafiz Saeed, co-founder of Lashkar-e-Taiba terrorist group to share the dais with the JKLF chairman and left him red-faced.
So, while Malik may not be ready to accept it, the harsh reality is that though he was instrumental in initiating Pakistan’s proxy war in J&K, he ceased to be of any interest to ISI in the early nineties itself. Accordingly, rather than sulk and try to re-launch himself in the avatar of a separatist leader of consequence, the JKLF chief should be grateful to the weak governments at the centre, who tolerated his nonsense for a bit too long!
Hindu family in Sindh disappeared overnight, converted to Islam later
In a series of enforced disappearances, a Hindu family was abducted from Karachi and forcibly converted to Islam after a week.On May 7, the entire family of Ramji Meghwar, hailing from Mirpur Khas in Sindh, went missing. The family had relocated to Karachi in search of better work opportunities.After finding no evidence of their presence, Ramji Meghwar reported the matter to the local police, who took no action. After nearly a week, Ramji Meghwar’s wife and their children were discovered to have been converted to Islam against their will.
Forced conversions have long been a persistent issue in Pakistan, but this incident represents an even more brutal case where an entire family was abducted overnight and coerced into converting to Islam. The majority of such cases are reported in Sindh, posing a significant threat to the Hindu community in Pakistan.
Protests in Gilgit-Baltistan against illegal occupation of Pakistan
Massive protest has erupted for the very first time in Franu, the last border village of Pakistan-Occupied Gilgit-Baltistan (POGB).The local residents of Franu have decided to protest after witnessing myriad developments taking place till the last border village in India’s Jammu & Kashmir and Ladakh juxtaposed the grim situation in Pak occupied areas. Since the economic status of Thang village in India’s Turtuk has improved drastically in last few years, locals in Gilgit-Baltistan are launching campaign against Paki regime for their basic rights and to end illegal occupation. People of Gilgit-Baltistan have warned that if their demands are not met then they will take the protest to the border.
Pakistan on the Boil: Who’s to Blame?
Though Rawalpindi’s highhandedness and brazen exercise of extra-constitutional powers is a routine matter, domestic criticism of its meddling in Pakistani politics has burgeoned exponentially over the last few years. Yet, instead of reading the writing on the wall, introspecting and taking corrective measures to bridge the military-civilian chasm, Pakistan’s military leadership has been dismissing growing public resentment by portraying it as motivated attempts by vested interests and a foreign conspiracy.
While addressing a presser in June 2018, the then Director General [DG] of Pakistan Army’s media wing Inter Services Public Relations [ISPR] Maj Gen Asif Ghafoor flashed the slide of a social media account [without disclosing the account holder’s identity] to show the audience of how it was linked to several other accounts and was being extensively used for tweeting against the Pakistan’s armed forces. Then, to drive home the point, DGISPR disclosed that “We have the capability to monitor social media as to who is doing what”!
In a curious development, there was a discernable upsurge in the number of incidents of journalists being abducted, roughed up and after being warned to cease reporting against the army, released. Despite the judiciary pulling up law enforcement agencies for failing to stop the unending spate of such abductions, the perpetrators were never apprehended. And though the reasons for the same are obvious and need no elaboration, but brief details of just two incidents would be enough for the uninitiated to get the drift.
Just hours after the DGISPR’s June 2018 press conference, British-Pakistani journalist Gul Bukhari was abducted while she was travelling in car driven by her driver through Lahore cantonment. Heavily guarded to prevent any ingress or egress of terrorists and teeming with multiple mobile ‘quick reaction teams’, Lahore cantonment is a virtual fortress and hence, definitely the wrong place to waylay a car and abduct its occupant.
Hence, the chances of some undesirable elements gaining access into Lahore cantonment, abducting Bukhari and whisking her away to an undisclosed location despite an extensive network of check posts and array of CCTVs is well-nigh impossible. Moreover, undertaking the perilous task of abducting a journalist from within an army cantonment, taking her to an unknown destination just to threaten her to avoid reporting against the army’s wrongdoings and then releasing her unconditionally, doesn’t make any sense!
Being based in the UK, Bukhari had no known enemies in Pakistan. However, as she was critical of the Pakistan Army’s cavalier ways and had exposed Rawalpindi’s dubious role in politics and its efforts to manipulate elections. So logically speaking, it’s only Rawalpindi that could possibly harbour a grudge against Bukhari and orchestrate such a precarious abduction within Lahore cantonment premises and she herself firmly believes that her abduction was meant to serve as a message that “nobody is untouchable, no one is immune”!
Just two years later, another Pakistani journalist and You Tuber named Matiullah Jan was kidnapped in broad daylight from outside a school located in Islamabad’s posh G-6Sector. This brazen abduction which was captured in the school’s CCTV showed a group of at least 10 men [both in civil clothes as well as in black uniforms worn by Pakistan’s anti-terror squad] forcibly shoving Jan into a sedan and driving away. Like Bukhari, Jan too had a history of riling the establishment, particularly the military and its notorious spy agency, Inter-Services Intelligence [ISI].
In 2018, he was designated “anti-state” by Rawalpindi for condemning its crackdown on media outlets as “a systematic attempt by the military and its intelligence agency to assert control with a facade of a democratically elected government.” Jan’s abduction came shortly before he was due to appear in court on contempt charges for having tweeted Islamabad High Court judge Shaukat Aziz Siddiqui’s controversial speech that exposed ISI’s complicity in manipulating the judicial process by ‘fixing benches’ and that “control” of judiciary by the army.
So, when a member of the PTI led government under Rawalpindi’s ‘selected’ Prime Minister Imran Khan introduced a bill in 2020 seeking an amendment in Pakistan Penal Code [PPC] to criminalise criticism of the armed forces, it became apparent that Rawalpindi’s strong arm tactics to intimidate the media into submitting to its unreasonable demands had failed and it desperately required a legal shield to muzzle dissent and thereby save its rapidly plummeting image.
This amendment (in the form of an insertion of a new section 500A in Pakistan Penal Code, Act XLV of 1860) is titled “Intentionally Ridiculing of the Armed Force’s etc.” It states “Whosoever intentionally ridicules, brings into disrepute or defames the Armed Forces of Pakistan or a member thereof, he shall be guilty of an offence punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to two years, or with fine which may extend to five hundred thousand rupees, or with both.”
While mischievous posts made with insidious intent need to be forcefully discouraged, a blanket ban on posts critical of the Pakistan Army is totally uncalled for. A review of posts with negative contents against the Pakistan Army reveals that a majority of them relate to Rawalpindi’s meddling in politics and this fact has been acknowledged by former army chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa himself. In his farewell speech, Gen Bajwa admitted that the people of Pakistan were critical of the army and accurately opined that “The main reason for this is the involvement of the army in politics for the last 70 years, which is unconstitutional.”
The recent decision to arrest Imran Khan while he was inside Islamabad High Court [IHC] in connection with the hearing of another case may not necessarily have been taken by the army. Yet, by violating protocol and using Rangers (who operate under instructions of the army) instead of the police to execute the arrest warrant, the impression that went out was that the army was behind Imran Khan’s unjustified arrest. Gen Bajwa’s ongoing post-retirement verbal spat with Khan also further strengthened the belief that Rawalpindi was baying for the PTI chief’s blood.
The widespread incidents of irate mobs targeting military installations and assets as well as the house of a three-star General in Lahore cannot be condoned. However, at the same time, Rawalpindi too needs to accept that its endless meddling in Pakistan’s politics, which has angered and alienated the masses, too played a major role in precipitating the current crisis.
On the professional front, public frustration arising out of Pakistan Army’s serious failings ranging from its inability to get the Afghan Taliban, its long time protégé, to stop patronising Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan [TTP] terrorist group to its failure in evicting TTP from Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa has naturally found vent on social media. Similarly, enforced disappearances during the course of Pakistan Army’s counter-terrorist operations are a matter of serious concern for activists and civil society, making it an issue of intense debate on social media.
So, while the PPC may have criminalised criticism of Pakistan’s armed forces, it has done precious little to assuage the unprecedented public resentment against the army. Therefore, instead of trying to blame all and sundry for the unprecedented public outrage against the Pakistan Army, it would do Rawalpindi a lot of good to first clean up its own house.
And here, living-up Gen Bajwa’s assertion that the Pakistan Army had “after great deliberation, decided that it would never interfere in any political matter,” and honouring his reassurance that “I assure you we are strictly adamant on this and will remain so,” could well serve as the most effective ‘mantra’ for redeeming Rawalpindi’s sullied image!
Yogi Adityanath to release report on 1980 Moradabad riots
Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath’s recent announcement to release the long forgotten report on 1980 Moradabad riots has sparked debate about a crucial chapter in the state’s history. These riots were UP’s first large-scale communal violence since India’s independence. Despite the turbulence caused by partition, Uttar Pradesh had remained mostly peaceful until the awful events in Moradabad. With the government’s decision to release the report, let us delve into the specifics and comprehend the significance of this historic occurrence.
Background
Moradabad riots began with conflicts between Muslims and Hindus in a West Uttar Pradesh neighbourhood. It was a time when V P Singh, a first-time chief minister, was leading Congress-led administration in the state. Meanwhile, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was preoccupied with the developing Punjab conflict and the emerging tensions in Assam. Both the state and central governments struggled to properly contain the violence, which continued to spread across various parts of Uttar Pradesh and lasted for months.
The Tragic Beginnings and Escalation
The riots broke out on August 13, 1980, coinciding with Eid-ul-Fitr, near an Idgah located between Hindu and Muslim neighbourhoods. The incident began with rumours of a ‘stray animal’ near the Idgah, which led to clashes between Muslim devotees and police. As tensions rose, the police and the Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) opened fire, killing numerous people.
The Commission and the Hidden Report
In response to the turmoil, the V P Singh government appointed a commission to investigate the riots, led by recently retired Justice Mathura Prasad Saxena. In November 1983, the commission issued its findings. Unfortunately, the report remains classified till date. Yogi Adityanath’s decision to table it in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly is part of a special initiative to reveal previously concealed findings of this report into the public domain. This long-awaited report offers insight on the events, reasons, and consequences of the riots in Moradabad.
Widespread Impact and Political Ramifications
The Moradabad riots had far-reaching ramifications, spreading to Sambhal, Aligarh, Bareilly, Allahabad (now Prayagraj), and rural Moradabad. These sporadic events persisted for the rest of the year. The official death toll, as announced in the Assembly by UP Home Minister Swarup Kumari Bakshi, was 289, comprising both confirmed and assumed dead, including District Magistrate DP Singh. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi first said a “foreign hand” was behind the violence, implying a plot to destabilise the country. She then retracted her statement after visiting the impacted communities.
Controversies and Political Blame Game
Various tales evolved regarding the rioters’ instigators. Yogendra Makwana, Union Minister of State for Home Affairs, blamed the disturbance on the newly founded Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). V P Singh testified in front of the UP Assembly that intelligence personnel had warned about potential trouble owing to the gathering of Muslims at the Idgah. Amid mounting criticism, VP Singh tendered his resignation but was ultimately persuaded to continue serving as chief minister.
The release of the long-awaited Saxena report on the 1980 Moradabad riots is expected to be an important turning point in Uttar Pradesh’s history.
Tina Dabi orders demolition of Pak Hindu migrant homes in Jaisalmer
Homes of Pakistani Hindu migrants have been demolished in Jaisalmer, Rajasthan on orders of IAS Tina Dabi. These migrant Hindu families who had fled Pakistan under inhumane conditions are now forced to live in the open during scorching summer heat of Rajasthan. This is the second incident in less than a month where the residential colonies of Hindu migrants from Pakistan have been mercilessly demolished by the Rajasthan government. The first was in Jodhpur, where two residential colonies of Pakistani Hindu migrants were torn down.
Scattered hopes
On May 16, the district administration of Jaisalmer demolished 28 housing structures and shelters at the Amar Sagar area belonging to Hindu migrants displaced from Pakistan. Terming the temporary settlement as ‘encroachment,’ the administration set their homes ablaze. The migrants are staging a dharna outside the district collectorate, but instances of forcefully dragging a woman were witnessed. The migrants, however, said that they wouldn’t budge from the dharna site until they were resettled elsewhere.
The administration under the 2016 batch topper IAS Tina Dabi defended their move. Tina Dabi said that the action was taken after complaints were received from the Amar Sagar Sarpanch and various local residents. They claim that the migrants have occupied the land that allegedly belonged to the state government’s urban improvement trust (UIT). She added that prior notice was also served to the refugees, but they refused to vacate. Dabi stated that the state government has not yet provided any guidelines regarding the resettlement of migrants who have not been granted Indian citizenship.
How is India any different?
It was 2019 when the Indian government passed the Citizenship Amendment Act. Have they implemented it? No. The path that was provided to gain Indian citizenship for certain religious minority groups from neighbouring countries, namely Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and Pakistan, is still unclear. “Religious persecution in their home countries,” which was the basis of the CAA, has been deeply undermined.
Hindus in Pakistan who somehow came to India after escaping the terror and repression of the Pakistani government are facing the same deplorable condition in India. How is India any different for them? There is neither empathy nor a law to protect these migrants. Who should we blame? The government that is delaying its implementation or the administration that fulfilled the official duty but failed in ethical service.
We need to assess the seriousness of the situation and provide formal citizenship to the displaced residents. The government’s and administration’s apathetic approach is causing enough harm, and we cannot afford to add to it.
Protests erupt in POJK amidst skyrocketing inflation
Intense protests by citizens of Hujra city erupted for subsidy restoration. During the protests, citizens expressed strong grievances against the Pakistani government and the unrecognized autonomous administration. Amidst the protests, resounding slogans echoed against skyrocketing inflation, demanding the government to ensure the provision of subsidized flour, as promised on international forums.
Protesters pointed out the stark contrast across the Line of Control, where the Indian government has been providing its residents with affordable food and basic necessities. Meanwhile, under Pakistan’s forceful rule, the region of occupied Jammu and Kashmir is grappling with surging inflation.
Addressing the protesters, organizers issued an ultimatum to the Pakistani government, demanding tangible measures to ensure the provision of subsidized flour. A year ago, a widespread movement was launched to combat inflation and reinstate subsidies in Pakistani-occupied Kashmir. The protests subsided after the government’s assurances, but they said that despite the passage of a year, those promises remain unfulfilled. They further said that if the situation persists, a significant mobilization is anticipated once again.
Indian army foils infiltration attempts from POJK
An unidentified woman hailing from Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir (POJK) was shot dead by Indian security forces on Monday after she crossed the Line of Control in Baramulla district.
As per officials, she crossed the LOC in Kamalkote area and was inching closer to the border fence when she was challenged by the forces to stop. Disregarding the orders, woman persisted in moving closer to the restricted zone.
Faced with the woman’s non-compliance, the security forces were left with no choice but to open fire, resulting in her tragic death. Meanwhile, in a separate incident, Indian security forces thwarted another infiltration attempt in the Rajouri district of Jammu & Kashmir.
Infiltration attempts have increased in recent weeks, but Indian security forces’ alertness has successfully foiled these endeavours. Their vigilance remains crucial in safeguarding the region and preventing unauthorized crossings.