In Pakistan, being critical of the country’s omnipotent Army is indeed a very dangerous thing as it can invite serious repercussions ranging from being mercilessly belaboured to being abducted and in some cases even losing one’s life. Rawalpindi’s acute intolerance to criticism, even when it’s constructive in nature, is no secret and the military is particularly offended when someone exposes its cavalier ways and abuse of power without any accountability. So, incidents of people who have dared to antagonise those in khakis being roughed up or abducted by unknown persons aren’t uncommon.

However, despite being well-aware about the law and having a fair idea of who the assailants are, seldom do the victims who dared to criticise the Pakistan Army disclose the identity of their attackers/ kidnappers and very rarely file police complaints. And leave alone preventing such incidents the police are not even able to  apprehend those brazenly carrying out these illegal acts, even when they take place in the heart of major cities and that too in broad daylight.

Islamabad claims to be having an exceptionally efficient intelligence  and investigative setup with exceptional professional skills. After every major terrorist attack, these agencies come up with a blow by blow account of how these were planned behind closed doors in its neighbouring countries, by not only Indian spy agency Research and Analysis Wing [RAW] but also the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan [TTP] terrorist group.

Yet, Pakistan’s premier intelligence and investigating agencies inexplicably make no headway when it comes to tracking down those who brutalise or abduct critics of the Pakistan Army. This is even in cases wherein courageous victims give enough indications that clearly reveals who had whisked them away, and when irrefutable evidence in terms of video recordings of the incident exists. A few incidents that prove this observation:

·        On September 4, 2010, journalist Umar Cheema who had written several articles that were critical of the Pakistan Army in The News was abducted in Islamabad. Taken to an undisclosed location in the outskirts, he was physically abused and warned not to write articles that were critical of the government. After being released, Cheema reported this incident and even went on record to say that “I have suspicions, and every journalist has suspicions, that all fingers point to the ISI.” [Emphasis added]. With  Dawn in its editorial of September 7, 2010, maintaining that “This paper’s stand is clear: the government and its intelligence agencies will be considered guilty until they can prove their innocence,” [Emphasis added], there’s no room for any doubts as to who was behind this abduction. Regrettably, despite the journalist’s revelation as well as the then Pakistani Prime Minister Syed Yusuf Raza Gilani’s personal assurance to him that this incident would be thoroughly investigated, it remains unsolved till date.

·        On June 5, 2018, Gul Bhukari who is critical of the Pakistan Army was abducted when the car in which she was travelling was intercepted by “unknown persons.” As this incident took place on Sherpao Bridge inside Lahore Cantonment, which is a virtual fortress with strictly controlled access and exit points. This incident raises two questions-one, how could the abductors enter the well secured Lahore Cantonment in the first place, and two, how could they manage to get past the security check-post and escape with a kidnapped lady journalist in tow? Though Bhukari was subsequently released by her abductors, this case still remains unsolved.

·        On July 21, 2020, senior Pakistani journalist and YouTuber Matiullah Jan was abducted in broad daylight from a women’s college in Islamabad just after he had dropped his wife. The college CCTV showed around a dozen men, some dressed in uniforms worn by Pakistan’s Anti-Terrorist Squad [ATS] blocking Jan’s car and ordering him to come out. When he resists, they manhandle him and after forcing him into another vehicle drive away. Despite the fact that at least five of his abductors weren’t wearing masks the police have failed to identify the assailants.  Even the National Database & Registration Authority [NADRA] expressed inability to identify the abductors whose faces are clearly visible, giving the feeble excuse that the images weren’t clear enough. The Pakistan Army and police outrightly denied any involvement and this makes things even scarier. Needless to say that the very thought of three vehicles filled with men disguised as ATS commandos moving around unchecked in the national capital and abducting a journalist in broad daylight is indeed very disquieting. In fact, Islamabad High Court Chief Justice Athar Minallah’s pointed query that “What impression will the public get that people are roaming around freely in police uniforms,” endorses this matter-of-fact apprehension. Furthermore, Jan’s unconditional release just 12 hours later doesn’t make sense-unless its aim was to “scare others” as mentioned by the IHC chief Justice.

Despite so many incidents of those critical of the Pakistan Army being abducted, investigating agencies have failed to identify a single culprit and this in itself gives a clear indication as to who are the perpetrators. This issue has come up before the Islamabad High Court [IHC] in the ongoing case of Kashmiri poet Ahmed Farhad Shah who was abducted soon after he criticised the Pakistan Army’s harsh dealing in the recent Pakistan occupied Jammu and Kashmir [PoJK] unrest on social media.

IHC senior puisne judge Justice Mohsin Akhtar Kayani hearing this case outrightly rejected ISI’s claim that it had no information regarding the abduction of Farhad and made it clear that the claim made by Pakistan Army’s spy agency was “not believable”. He has accordingly summoned the sector commanders of both ISI and Military Intelligence [MI] alongwith others and directed that “Now, the ISI sector commander’s statement will be recorded in the missing person’s case,” adding that “A police officer will record his statement and write it.” 

The puisne judge also highlighted the fact that “In general, IB [Intelligence Bureau], MI and ISI are accused of missing persons and enforced disappearances, which has affected their reputation and governance and created a negative perception of these institutions in the eyes of the public,” and asked “What steps has the state taken so far to eliminate institutional antagonism and the negative public perception of key state institutions and their reputation?” As expected, the Attorney General had no answer!

Most importantly, Justice Kayani has decreed that “Whichever case on missing persons is fixed before this court, its hearing will be live-streamed.” This will draw public attention to the widespread malaise of abductions and enforced disappearances orchestrated by the Pakistan Army, and thus act as a deterrent. However, despite being censured on this issue several times, Rawalpindi has shown scant regards for the judiciary.

The reason for such shocking indifference can be best described in the words of senior IHC judge Justice Shaukat Aziz Siddiqui who in 2018 admitted that  “Today the judiciary and media have come in the control of ‘Bandookwala’ [literal translation ‘gunmen’; here a reference to the army],” and that the  “Judiciary is not independent.” He went on to elaborate by revealing how “In different cases, the ISI forms benches of its choice to get desired results”, adding that the Army’s spy agency blatantly indulges in “manipulating judicial proceedings as its officials manage to constitute benches at its will and mark cases to selected judges.” 

Justice Kayani has asked ISI- “Are you going to run the country or follow the law?” While this blunt poser exposes ISI’s complete lack of accountability, but what needs to be seen is how Rawalpindi reacts. Will Pakistan Army meekly accept this frontal assault on its extra-constitutional powers and supremacy over other state organs, or as is its wont, will decide to brazen it out. While logic suggests that it would be puerile for Rawalpindi to take-on the judiciary, but then, Pakistan Army’s dogged determination to defend its turf at all costs should not be underestimated!   

On May 26, a symbolic protest walk was held in City Park Skardu against the occupation of forests and rest houses. The protesters voiced strong opposition to the Pakistan Army’s attempts to seize the land of Pakistan-Occupied Gilgit-Baltistan (POGB) under the guise of green tourism.

They accused the military of exploiting POGB’s resources for its own gain, enforced through the threat of arms.

Separately, Najaf Ali, Chairman of the Awami Action Committee Baltistan, led a protest in Skardu City Park against the occupation by a non-local company. He also instructed the construction staff to cease their activities in the park.

Meanwhile on May 27, an important meeting was convened at Jamia Masjid Gamba Skardu, called by the Deputy Imam of Friday Prayers. The meeting was attended by members of the Awami Action Committee and local leaders. During the gathering, there was a consensus to launch a door-to-door public awareness campaign. The participants agreed to initiate a movement soon to resist the military’s efforts to seize the region’s resources.

The protestors emphasized that the resources of Gilgit-Baltistan, from the riverbanks to the mountain peaks, rightfully belong to the local people and that any occupation by external forces is unacceptable.

It is worth mentioning that POGB started to boil after the occupying government put 20 guest houses and 16 forest Nurseries land to a non-native private company, allegedly a favourite of Pak Army. The sole purpose of such lease is the land grab to make the native population landless and minority in their own land, thereby making them voiceless.

Pashtuns across Pakistan, along with other human rights activists, commemorated the victims of the Kala Qamar massacre and paid tribute to them on Sunday (May 26).

In North Waziristan, the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) held a public meeting to honor the martyrs. The organization’s leader, Manzoor Pashteen, was present during the meeting.

The massacre took place on May 26, 2019, when the Pakistan Army opened fire on peaceful PTM protesters at the Khar Qamar check post in North Waziristan. The brutal act resulted in the deaths of 15 individuals and left 45 others injured.

The Pakistan Army attempted to blame the PTM, claiming that the protesters had attacked the army, leading to the firing. However, these claims were unfounded, and no evidence was provided to support them. Following the incident, several PTM activists, including Members of the National Assembly Ali Wazir and Mohsin Dawar, were arrested.

Videos from the incident showed that the activists were unarmed and protesting against the brutal torture of an elderly woman by the Pakistan Army on May 25, 2019, as well as the ongoing subversion and human rights violations against Pashtuns.

At the time of the massacre, the PTM had been established for almost a year, with its leaders and activists facing false charges of treason and other accusations. The Pakistan Army used brutal force in an attempt to curb the movement. However, the resilience of the PTM has made it a strong force against Pakistani oppression.

The Khar Qamar massacre serves as a stark reminder of the high price paid for raising one’s voice against the Pakistan Army’s oppression and human rights violations.

In less than a year of the Jaranwala horror, the Christian community in Pakistan is once again reeling under the threat to their very existence in the Islamic Republic. The latest ordeal was witnessed in Sargodha, where a Christian man was nearly lynched, his belongings were looted and his shoe factory was set ablaze, all because he was accused of blasphemy.

Even more concerning is the role of authorities in Pakistan, which has not only become a mute spectator during such incidents but also try to sweep the issue under the carpet, a Pakistani norm which was evident in Jaranwala also.

Pak media hesitant to name TLP

Pakistani media by and large projected it as an attack by an agitated mob against blasphemy, ignoring the fact that the mob largely comprised the extremists of Tehreek-e-Labbaik (TLP).

The police are now busy arresting perpetrators, 44 have been identified. But how Pakistan’s law and order works is no hidden fact. The point here is that Nazir Masih’s house, factory, and entire Mujahid colony, where he lived, were vandalised in front of the police but no action was taken and so this FIR and all follow-up investigation is just a pretence of law enforcement.

The ordeal didn’t end here, after nearly killing Masih, the TLP extremists then turned towards the ambulance he was taken to the hospital in. They attacked it with bricks and vandalised it to prevent Masih from being taken to the hospital.

Blasphemy: Pakistani law, policing by mob

Notably, the Blasphemy law in Pakistan provisions the death sentence for the accused. Surprisingly, no accused has been legally sentenced so far; however, scores of them are lynched by the radicalised mob.

This clearly tells that Pakistan is hell for minorities. A large section of society, the dominant political force and authorities all are guided by Islamic fundamentalism which advocates for the purge of religious minorities and considers it a sacred duty to Islamise them.