The Bangladeshi government has described the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON) as a “religious fundamentalist organisation” following a writ petition in the High Court seeking a ban on the group. This development comes against the backdrop of escalating tensions in the country, marked by widespread protests after the arrest of Hindu leader Chinmoy Krishna Das Brahmachari and rising attacks on ISKCON and Hindu temples by radical Islamist groups.

Chinmoy Krishna Das, a prominent figure in the Hindu rights movement, recently gained prominence after leading large rallies in Chattogram and Rangpur. However, his arrest earlier this week for allegedly disrespecting the national flag has sparked anger among the Hindu community, which has faced over 200 violent incidents since the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League government on August 5. The government has maintained that Das was detained for sedition rather than his community leadership.

During a High Court hearing on Wednesday, a lawyer filed a petition demanding a ban on ISKCON, citing the death of Assistant Public Prosecutor Saiful Islam during clashes between security forces and Das’s supporters after his bail was denied. The court directed Attorney General Md. Asaduzzaman to present the government’s stance on ISKCON and provide an update on the law-and-order situation by Thursday.

Responding to the court’s inquiry, Asaduzzaman stated that ISKCON is not a political party but a religious fundamentalist organisation under government scrutiny. This characterization drew sharp criticism from ISKCON leaders, with Vice President Radha Raman Das calling the statement shocking. “We have served millions worldwide, including during floods in Bangladesh, yet we are being labeled a radical terrorist organisation,” Das said, urging international leaders to address the issue.

The arrest of Das has intensified protests from the Hindu community, already reeling from targeted attacks by extremist groups. India, too, expressed concern over the situation. “This incident follows multiple attacks on Hindus and other minorities by extremist elements in Bangladesh,” stated the Ministry of External Affairs.

In yet another horrific reminder of the rampant persecution of minorities in Pakistan, the body of Ganga, a 12 year old Hindu girl, was discovered discarded like refuse in a garbage dump in Karachi’s Saddar Lucky Star area. The girl had been brutally raped before her life was mercilessly taken, her lifeless body dumped without regard in the filth of a city that continues to fail its most vulnerable. Ganga, the daughter of Harichand, had traveled to Karachi from Sukkur with her mother, Mantri, just 20 days prior to care for a sick relative.

The heinous nature of this crime is a reflection of the widespread and institutionalized atrocities faced by Hindu, Christian, and other minority communities in Pakistan. Minorities are routinely subjected to abductions, forced conversions, and sexual violence, while the Paki establishment turns a blind eye or, worse, tacitly enables such barbarities through its inaction.

Karachi has long been a stage for these horrors, where minority girls are hunted with impunity. The justice system offers no respite, with victims and their families often finding themselves at the mercy of a corrupt and complicit establishment. Investigations into such crimes are either sluggish or nonexistent, allowing perpetrators to roam freely, emboldened by a culture of impunity. The country’s judiciary who bows to Islamist hardliners, remains silent, on rampant atrocities on the minority girls.

For years, Hindu families in Sindh, where Ganga’s family originally hails from, have lived in fear. Their daughters are snatched from their homes, forcibly converted under the guise of sham marriages, and silenced forever if they dare to resist. Ganga’s story adds to this grim tally, but her death also underscores the broader decay in Pakistan’s moral fabric, where the lives of non-Muslims are treated as collateral damage in a society consumed by Islamists.

A man opened fire on Sufi worshippers gathered at the Sayed Pacha Agha shrine in Afghanistan’s Nahrin district, killing ten people during a weekly ritual. The attack, which took place on 21 November evening, targeted individuals engaged in a Sufi chant, according to Abdul Matin Qani, a spokesperson for the Ministry of Interior.

Residents discovered the bodies the following morning during prayer hours, with one local said, “They had gathered for their ritual chant, and he shot them,” the resident said. This massacre underscores the persistent danger faced by Sufis in Afghanistan, where their practices are often deemed heretical by extremists and theocratic authorities.

Sufism, a mystical Islamic tradition emphasizing spirituality and love, has been repeatedly targeted in the war-torn country. Extremist groups, particularly the Islamic State Khorasan (ISKP), view Sufis as apostates deserving of death. This ideology has led to numerous atrocities, including an April 2022 attack on a Sufi mosque in Kunduz province that killed 33 people, many of them children, during Friday prayers.

While the Taliban’s return to power in 2021 initially led to a decrease in bombings, ISKP and other extremist factions continue to wage a campaign of terror. In September, IS-K claimed responsibility for an attack that killed 14 people in central Afghanistan who had gathered to welcome pilgrims returning from the holy city of Karbala in Iraq.

The Qur’an explicitly forbids the killing of fellow Muslims (4:92), yet extremist groups justify their attacks by branding Sufis as hypocrites or apostates, enabling them to perpetrate such massacres under the guise of jihad.

Afghanistan’s majority Muslim population remains deeply divided along sectarian lines, exacerbated by the Taliban regime’s strict interpretation of Islamic law, which often clashes with Sufi practices. The lack of security and protection for minority Muslim sects highlights the broader failure of the Taliban authorities to govern inclusively or protect their citizens from extremist violence.

A ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah, an Iran-backed group, took effect at 0200 GMT on Wednesday, following an agreement brokered by the United States and France. U.S. President Joe Biden announced the truce after Israel’s security cabinet approved the deal in a 10-1 vote. The ceasefire is aimed at ending months of hostilities that erupted across the Israeli-Lebanese border in the wake of the Gaza war last year, leaving thousands dead.

Shortly after the ceasefire began, bursts of gunfire echoed across Beirut. While it was unclear whether the gunfire was celebratory or a warning for residents who had missed evacuation alerts from Israel’s military, displaced Lebanese families began their journey back to the south, devastated by months of Israeli airstrikes.

President Biden, addressing the nation from the White House, described the truce as “a permanent cessation of hostilities”, stating that Hezbollah and other militant groups would no longer be permitted to endanger Israel’s security. He outlined plans for Israel’s gradual withdrawal from southern Lebanon over 60 days, with Lebanese army forces assuming control of the border region to prevent Hezbollah from reestablishing its infrastructure.

Meanwhile, Hezbollah has refrained from formally commenting on the ceasefire. However, senior Hezbollah official Hassan Fadlallah stated on Lebanese television that the group supported extending the Lebanese state’s authority but would emerge from the conflict stronger. “Thousands will join the resistance,” he declared, dismissing Israeli efforts to disarm Hezbollah as a failure.

Biden Announces Ceasefire 

The deal also received backing from Iran, a key supporter of Hezbollah, as well as Hamas and Yemen’s Houthi rebels. French President Emmanuel Macron called the agreement the result of months of diplomacy involving Israeli and Lebanese officials in collaboration with the United States. Lebanon’s caretaker Prime Minister Najib Mikati and Foreign Minister Abdallah Bou Habib expressed optimism, with Bou Habib confirming the deployment of 5,000 troops to oversee the transition.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, while endorsing the ceasefire, warned of decisive retaliation should Hezbollah violate the agreement. He emphasized that the truce would enable Israel to redirect focus toward threats from Iran and replenish its military resources. Netanyahu claimed the conflict had left Hezbollah severely weakened, stating, “We have set it back decades, eliminated its top leaders, destroyed most of its rockets and missiles, and obliterated years of terror infrastructure near our border.”

In the hours leading up to the ceasefire, violence escalated as Israeli airstrikes targeted Hezbollah’s financial systems in Beirut and surrounding areas, reportedly killing 18 people. Hezbollah retaliated with a barrage of rockets into Israel, while the Israeli air force intercepted several missile launches from Lebanese territory.

The ceasefire, however, has drawn criticism. Israeli Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir argued that the agreement failed to guarantee the safety of northern Israeli residents or adequately address the threat posed by Hezbollah. Lebanese officials, meanwhile, insisted on the return of displaced civilians to southern Lebanon as a key component of the truce.

Islamist Bangladeshi regime refuses to release Hindu monk Chinmoy Krishna Prabhu despite massive protests by Bangladeshi Hindus. The Chittagong Metropolitan Magistrate Court has rejected the bail application of Chinmoy Krishna Prabhu and continues to imprison the Hindu monk and leader. “Whatever happens to me, you don’t stop the movement,” Chinmoy Prabhu said to Bangladeshi Hindus from the court premises.

Bangladeshi Hindus have been protesting against the arrest of Chinmoy Krishna Prabhu by the Dhaka Police’s Detective Branch on Monday at Dhaka Airport. Chinmoy Krishna Prabhu, known for his vocal protests against the rising atrocities on Hindu minorities in Bangladesh, is the leader of Sammilita Sanatani Jote and a senior monk of the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON). His detention has intensified grievances over the growing persecution of Hindus under the radical Islamist Muhammad Yunus government, which has been marked by violence, forced conversions, and systemic attacks on the community.

Visuals from Dhaka, Chittagong, and other cities showed Hindus rallying against Chinmoy Krishna Prabhu’s arrest. Protesters blocked key roads in Dhaka’s Shahbagh area, chanting slogans and demanding his immediate release. In Chittagong, demonstrators held a flashlight vigil, underscoring their defiance. However, several protesters were injured after being attacked by unidentified assailants, further heightening tensions.

Chinmoy Krishna Prabhu was reportedly arrested for allegedly disrespecting the Bangladeshi flag during a rally in October. However, his supporters argue that the arrest is part of a broader crackdown on Hindu activists who dare to raise their voices against the escalating violence and religious oppression faced by the community.

Since the Islamist Muhammad Yunus government came to power in Bangladesh, reports of targeted violence against Hindus have surged. Temples have been desecrated, Hindu homes burned, and families displaced, while incidents of forced conversions and abductions of Hindu women have become alarmingly frequent. Human rights activists accuse the government of fostering an environment of impunity for perpetrators of such crimes.

Chinmoy Krishna Prabhu’s arrest follows a sedition case filed against him and others over the alleged hoisting of a saffron flag at a rally. His detention has sparked outrage within the Hindu community and beyond, symbolizing the government’s attempts to suppress minority voices demanding justice.

The best part of being Pakistan’s Army chief is that while the lucky incumbent wields unlimited authority and power, he virtually has no accountability. Gen [later Field Marshal] Ayub Khan’s unprovoked aggression to annex J&K [Operation Gibraltar] in 1965 was a monumental failure that pushed the country into a full blown war with India that cost Pakistan dearly in terms of human lives and money, but no one ever questioned his ill-considered decision. 

In the summer of 1971, Gen Yahya Khan sought to use brute military force [Operation Searchlight] for suppressing a genuine nationwide peaceful public movement in erstwhile East Pakistan and the unspeakable atrocities committed by the Pakistan Army and its sponsored vigilante squads sowed the seeds of discontent and culminate in the creation of BanglaDesh.

In the late seventies, Gen Zia ul Haq made a Faustian bargain to pocket US aid by covertly supporting Uncle Sam’s proxy war against the then USSR in Afghanistan. Allowing unrestricted use of its soil for indoctrinating and training radicalised Islamists that it invited from across the globe, Rawalpindi turned the areas bordering Afghanistan into a veritable breeding ground for religious fundamentalism. Even today, the hapless people of Pakistan continue to pay for this unpardonable decision made more than four decades ago by Gen Zia. 

In 2004, Gen Pervez Musharraf brazenly compromised Pakistan’s sovereignty by allowing the US use of its airspace for drone strikes against terrorists. That more innocent civilians than terrorists were killed in the drone attacks that followed remains just a statistic.

The Army’s Blunders

That no one in Pakistan has seriously sought an explanation for these humongous blunders or demanded accountability may surprise greenhorns but not Pakistan watchers who are well aware that questioning Rawalpindi is tantamount to sacrilege. In fact, by reiterating that “Any effort to weaken our armed forces is akin to weakening the state,” Gen Munir has once again made it clear that in Pakistan, the Army continues to reign supreme and remain a holy cow. 

Furthermore, upsetting Rawalpindi can prove dangerous and even prime ministers aren’t spared. Asking awkward questions or asserting constitutional rights can enrage Rawalpindi and the ‘delinquent’ could well become a victim of “judicial murder” [Like Zulfikar Alli Bhutto], get assassinated [Like Benazir Bhutto], face incarceration [Like Imran Khan], or even exile [like Nawaz Sharif]. Conversely, those who play ball with Rawalpindi may be lucky recipients of Rawalpindi’s largesse and end up as Pakistan’s “selected” Prime Minister like PTI chief Imran Khan or get rehabilitated à la PML [N] chief Nawaz Sharif.

Rawalpindi has a congenital affliction of passing the buck by placing the onus of adverse developments on others. Remember ex Pakistan President and former Army chief Gen Musharraf’s pompous claim that “Military rule [in Pakistan] has always brought the country back on track, whereas civilian governments have always derailed it.” And more recently, didn’t erstwhile Army chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa regale us with his “the fall of East Pakistan was not a military but a political failure” howler?

So, Gen Syed Asim Munir’s assertion that “Every day, we are addressing the shortcomings in governance through the sacrifices of our martyrs,” [Emphasis added], is along expected lines. While it’s no secret that the fissiparous forces within are hindering Pakistan’s progress and disturbing peace, to hold politicians solely responsible for the unstoppable scourge of terrorism is stretching things a bit too far. This serious insinuation also raises several questions.

Rawalpindi’s Grip

In December 2022, while refuting the then Interior Minister Rana Sanaullah’s claim that the parliament had authorised the military to hold talks with proscribed Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan [TTP] terrorist group, former Senate chairman and PPP leader Mian Raza Rabbanitold Dawn that “No permission was sought by the military from parliament for holding parleys with the TTP” [Emphasis added] and that the Army had merely informed the parliamentary committee on national security that negotiations with TTP were taking place. The moot point here is that when the National Assembly didn’t authorise these talks, is it the politicians or Rawalpindi that is responsible for cozying up to TTP, which has the blood of thousands of Pakistani soldiers and civilians on their hands?

Secondly, in August 2022, people of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa [KP] took to the streets protesting against TTP presence and this issue even came up for discussion in the National Assembly. The question for Rawalpindi is, why did Pakistan Army’s media wing Inter Services Public Relations [ISPR] outrightly deny this claim? Why did it state that “misperception about alleged presence of [a] large number of proscribed organisation TTP’s armed members in Swat Valley has been created on social media,” while adding that “After confirmation on ground, these reports have been found as grossly exaggerated and misleading.”

ISPR’s simultaneous assurance that “Presence of militants anywhere will not be tolerated and they will be dealt with full use of force, if required” would have been reassuring had the ISPR statement not gone on to say that “small number of armed men on few mountain-tops between Swat and Dir has been observed, located far away from population.” [Emphasis added]. The question Rawalpindi needs to answer is whether presence of armed men on Pakistani soil is acceptable to the Pakistan Army as long as they are in a “small number” and “located far away from population”?  

Similarly, even if Gen Munir’s unproven allegation about terrorist groups working “at the behest of hostile external powers” is true, can the Pakistan Army cite this as an excuse for its abject failure to curb terrorist activities? Is it not a fact that the Pakistani delegation involved in peace negotiations with TTP was led not by a politician or bureaucrat but a three-star General of the Pakistan Army who took decisions without even consulting the government?

Terrorism and Treachery

As such, Rawalpindi needs to explain why more than 100 TTP fighters convicted for perpetrating terrorist acts [including murder] of Pakistan Army personnel, members of other security forces and law enforcement agencies as well as civilians were unconditionally set free as a confidence building measure? Even if the government had approved this release, wasn’t it Rawalpindi’s constitutional responsibility towards the country and its citizens to nix this outrageous move to free remorseless killers held in Army custody?

With Rawalpindi deciding who to make Prime minister, for Gen Munir to blame “shortcomings in governance” for the sorry state of affairs in Pakistan is rather unfortunate. Passing the buck when faced with failure is the forte of politicians not soldiers. It would therefore do Gen Munir a lot of good to accord more attention to the Army’s primary role and take terrorism by its horns rather than remain over obsessed with issues like ‘digital terrorism’ and social media spreading “anarchy” in the country leading to “degradation of moral values.”

Gen Munir needs to realise that while waxing eloquent on Pakistan Army’s resolve to end terrorism may provide the terrorism-weary people of Pakistan temporary psychological relief, it’s walking this talk that matters- after all, isn’t proof of the pudding is the eating?

Islamabad descended into chaos as protests led by supporters of jailed former Prime Minister Imran Khan escalated into violent clashes with security forces. Five security personnel were killed, including four rangers who were run over by protesters, while dozens, including police officers, sustained injuries. The unrest, which began on Sunday, continued through Tuesday.

The protest march, spearheaded by Khan’s wife, Bushra Bibi, began in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa on Sunday and reached Islamabad by Monday evening. Demonstrators vowed to advance to the high-security D-Chowk, situated near key government buildings, despite police barricades and warnings from authorities. Violent confrontations ensued as protesters removed roadblocks using heavy machinery, torched vehicles, and clashed with law enforcement.

One police officer was fatally shot, while 119 others were injured in Islamabad and across Punjab province. Two officers remain in critical condition. Protesters, in turn, alleged injuries among their ranks. The chaos extended to the Srinagar Highway, where miscreants ran their vehicle over security personnel, killing four rangers and injuring five others.

Pro-Imran Khan Protests

The occupied-government had earlier proposed a compromise, urging the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) leadership to hold their protest at an alternate location. However, Bushra Bibi rejected the offer, demanding that the march progress to D-Chowk as planned. Pakistan’s Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi has since warned of severe consequences if protesters breach the high-security zone.

Imran Khan, who remains in Adiala Jail since his ousting through a no-confidence motion in 2022, has been a central figure in the ongoing political unrest. Facing over 200 cases, including convictions and ongoing trials, Khan has framed his legal battles as politically motivated. Despite his incarceration, Khan’s PTI party won the most seats in February’s general elections, contesting as independents after being denied an official election symbol.

The former premier has called for nationwide protests, denouncing the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and its allies for allegedly orchestrating a “stolen mandate”.

Shiite and Sunni Muslim tribes in Khyber Paskhtunkhwa’s volatile Kurram district have agreed to a fragile ceasefire following days of brutal sectarian violence that claimed over 80 lives, including women and children. The unrest was sparked by an ambush on a Shiite convoy last Thursday, where at least 42 people were killed, triggering a wave of retaliatory violence that engulfed the region.

The clashes, which unfolded in the province near the Afghan border, highlight the long-standing sectarian tensions in Pakistan, particularly in Kurram, a district with a significant Shiite population in an overwhelmingly Sunni-majority country. The region, historically plagued by sectarian violence and militant activity, has seen its residents caught in a deadly cycle of violence perpetuated by the Pak Army’s inability—or unwillingness—to curb the violence.

A spokesperson for the provincial government, Muhammad Ali Saif, confirmed on Sunday that a seven-day ceasefire had been brokered after extensive negotiations with elders from both communities. “The parties also agreed to exchange prisoners and return the bodies of the deceased,” Saif announced, revealing that women were among those being held as prisoners.

While the occupied-authority portrays this ceasefire as a success, it does nothing to address the root causes of the violence. Kurram’s sectarian strife has deep historical roots, further exacerbated by a longstanding land dispute that remains unresolved. Although the attack on the convoy initially appeared to be sectarian, it is believed that the violence was deliberately fueled by external actors, with the tacit approval of Punjabi Pak Army-backed elements seeking to destabilize the already vulnerable Shiite minority.

No group has claimed responsibility for Thursday’s ambush, but questions linger over the role of extremist networks that operate with near-impunity in Pakistan, often targeting Shiite Muslims. The Pak Army’s track record of failing to protect minorities, coupled with its complicity in fostering sectarian militancy, has turned Kurram into a powder keg of religious and ethnic tensions.

Adding to the crisis, over 300 families have reportedly fled the violence-ridden area in search of safety. Mobile networks remain suspended across the district, and the main highway is still blocked, cutting off the region from essential supplies and aid. The ceasefire, while a temporary relief, does little to assure the Shiite community of long-term security in an establishment that has repeatedly failed to deliver justice.