During the era of united India, Pashtuns vehemently opposed the consolidation of India and the colonial rule imposed by the British Empire. Under the leadership of Bacha Khan along the borderlands and notable figures like Abdul Samad Khan Achakzai in Balochistan, Pashtun communities expressed their resistance. Historically, Pashtun leadership aligned more with the All-India Congress rather than the All-India Muslim League. In the final pre-partition elections in India, the Muslim League suffered significant setbacks in the border regions, resulting in the establishment of a Congress government led by Dr. Khan Sahib, Bacha Khan’s brother. The Muslim League’s substantial defeat along the border foreshadowed a potential alienation of Pashtuns from Pakistan. The border Pashtuns remained largely unmoved by Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s influence. In 1947, the British included the border regions into the newly formed country of Pakistan primarily due to the Durand Line agreement.

Following the formation of Pakistan, the anti-Muslim League leadership, including figures like Bacha Khan, faced increased scrutiny. Simultaneously, the spread of sectarian extremism in Pashtun regions began, influenced by external forces, notably the United States. To systematically deter Pashtuns from secular education, a network of Wahhabi madrassas was established along the border with the assistance of Saudi Arabia.

The National Awami Party, representing Pashtuns, faced a ban, leading to the incarceration of prominent leaders from Bacha Khan to Wali Khan. Ajmal Khattak, upon release, sought refuge in Kabul, where the Pashtunistan House was established in Kabul. The party’s evolution from the National Awami Party to the Awami National Party aimed at advocating for Pashtunistan/Greater Afghanistan, encompassing Pashtun territories beyond Attock. In Kabul, Ajmal Khattak raised the flag of Azad Pashtunistan. Bacha Khan, revered as the paramount Pashtun leader, was laid to rest in Jalalabad, Afghanistan, by his wishes rather than in Pakistan.

During Bhutto’s regime, the Pashtun populace faced severe oppression, orchestrated by Bhutto’s government, the military, and the Punjabi establishment. Concurrently, there was a push to radicalize Pashtun youth in the name of religion, with support from Saudi Arabia and tacit approval from the United States, encouraging them toward jihad.

With backing from the United States and Saudi Arabia, Pashtuns were mobilized as jihadists and deployed to Kabul. Through framing the ongoing Russian-American conflict in Kabul as a struggle between Islam and Kufr (disbelief), Pashtun youths were radicalized and recruited into jihadist movements, becoming susceptible to exploitation.

Furthermore, to diminish the influence of the Awami National Party, officially sanctioned support was extended to parties such as Jamaat-e-Islami and Jamaat Ulema-e-Islam in the border regions.

During the 1980s, the once tranquil lands associated with Bacha Khan, known as the father of peace, were transformed into battlegrounds for jihad. Pashtuns were mobilized as jihadists with the aid of US Dollars and Saudi Riyals to support America’s efforts against Russia in Kabul. This resulted in the loss of thousands of young Pashtun lives, leaving behind numerous widows and orphans. Following the withdrawal of Russia from Kabul, Pashtun youth became embroiled in conflicts among various Mujahideen factions. The madrasah of Maulana Samiul Haq emerged as a pivotal center for Afghan Jihadis, contributing to the rise of figures like Mullah Umar. Even during Mullah Umar’s rule in Afghanistan, border Pashtuns rallied as his soldiers. The border facilitated the entry of ISIS into Kabul with the assistance of Tehreek-e-Taliban. Throughout this period, the Pashtun areas regressed into a state resembling the Stone Age.

Following the events of 9/11, a new directive from the United States prompted General Musharraf to begin transferring sectarian extremists, originally nurtured with the support of the Pakistani government, to American custody. Concurrently, an operation targeting former jihadists was initiated in exchange for American dollars. Under the pretext of operations against its own Taliban factions, Pakistan conducted military actions resulting in the deaths of thousands of Pashtuns in humanitarian settlements, spanning from tribal areas to Swat. Consequently, millions of individuals began fleeing these regions due to the intensified operations in Swat and the tribal areas.

A few years back, a handful of Pashtun youths started a new movement known as the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) following a tragic incident. Suddenly emerging as a prominent leader among the Pashtuns was an unknown figure named Manzoor Pashteen. He rallied his nation, revealing that the Pakistan Army initially armed their youth in exchange for US dollars, only to later turn against them and perpetrate massacres.

PTM adopted a poignant slogan against the military, stating: “Yeh jo dehshatgardi hay, is kay peechay wardi hay” (Behind this terrorism lies the uniform).

This slogan resonated across Pakistan, gaining widespread recognition. In response to Manzoor Pashteen and PTM’s call, millions of people rallied in support, from tribal areas to cities in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK), as well as Lahore, Quetta, and Karachi. Pashteen’s team spearheaded a robust campaign against sectarian terrorism and military aggression. In the 2018 elections, Ali Wazir and Mohsin Dawar secured seats in the National Assembly of Pakistan with PTM’s backing. Both representatives boldly confronted the military’s actions upon entering the Islamabad Assembly, shedding light on their grievances.

As a result of their activism, Ali Wazir, despite his parliamentary position, faced repeated arrests and prolonged incarcerations. Similarly, Mohsin Dawar encountered numerous arrests and tragically fell under attacks. The PTM movement garnered support from educated Pashtuns, with individuals like Gulalai steadfastly standing in solidarity with the cause.

PTM supporters are widespread across every city in Pakistan, with significant backing also seen in the United States and Canada. While the Awami National Party attributed Pashtun grievances to Punjabis, PTM accurately identifies the Pakistani state and its military as perpetrators of Pashtun oppression. The PTM’s message resonates deeply within Pashtun communities, with their peaceful struggle drawing parallels to the ethos of Bacha Khan thus far.

The PTM movement has catalysed a significant shift among Pashtuns, leading them to distance themselves from Islamabad. With compelling arguments supporting this distancing, Pashtuns are increasingly drawn toward the idea of securing their nation’s future beyond Pakistan’s borders. While the PTM ostensibly champions the protection of Pashtun interests within Pakistan, it has brought to light the realization that survival within the country’s confines may be untenable for Pashtuns. This growing sentiment indicates a trajectory akin to that of the Baloch people, who have long sought freedom from Pakistan.

It’s important to note that historically, Pashtuns have not been staunch supporters of Pakistan. This evolving stance reflects a deeper reassessment of their relationship with the state and aspirations for self-determination.

In a bid to shed light on the ongoing human rights abuses faced by the Sindhi people in Pakistan, the World Sindhi Congress protests outside the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) headquarters in Geneva.

Led by WSC representatives, the protest aimed to draw attention to the systematic persecution endured by Sindhis, including enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and the suppression of religious minorities. Additionally, the demonstrators underscored concerns over the looting of Sindhi resources and the plight of Sindhi Hindus.

While the World Sindhi Congress protests, speakers condemned the Pakistani administration’s brutal tactics, citing recent extra-judicial killing such as the murder of activist Hidayat Lohar. Despite the availability of CCTV footage and eyewitnesses, perpetrators continue to evade accountability, prompting calls for international intervention.

WSC General Secretary Lakho Lohana implored the UN and the global community to intervene and halt the ongoing genocide against the Sindhi people. Lohana emphasized the urgent need to address land grabbing, resource exploitation, and other injustices perpetrated by Pakistani authorities.

As per reports, prominent rights activist Hidayat Bhutto recounted the struggles of victims’ families and highlighted the pervasive issue of enforced disappearances in Pakistan. He urged the international community to support efforts to hold perpetrators accountable and ensure justice for the oppressed.

Fahmida Khokh, another protester, stressed the recurring nature of the WSC’s demonstrations and called for decisive action to end the suffering of Sindhi people. Khokh emphasized the necessity of halting enforced disappearances and asserted Sindhi’s ability to thrive independently if freed from resource exploitation by Pakistan.

As the protest concluded, WSC reiterated its plea for UN intervention to safeguard Sindhi rights and prevent further atrocities. With tensions escalating and injustices persisting, the global community faces mounting pressure to address the crisis unfolding in Sindh.

Former Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) students at the Islamic University of Bahawalpur have been staging a protest for the past seven days against the university’s recent decision to terminate quotas reserved for them since 2014. The students, who were previously granted reserved seats with scholarships, have expressed their dissatisfaction with the sudden withdrawal of this arrangement.

Despite the onset of the holy month of Ramadan, the students continue their protest, fasting on the streets in front of the university gates. However, there has been no response from the university administration, leaving the students’ demands unaddressed.

The Bahawalpur students’ protest highlights the students’ frustration and disappointment with the administration’s decision, as well as their determination to fight for their rights to education and opportunities for socio-economic advancement.

Of late it has been seen across Pakistan and its illegally occupied territories that students have gone to protest. Mostly, the reason around such protests have been the hike in fees, lack of teaching staff and termination of reserved seats. Clearly, Pakistan is curbing the rights of students to get quality education. People from Pakistan occupied Balochistan, Pakistan occupied Gilgit Baltistan, Pakistan occupied Jammu and Kashmir and ex-FATA have been affected the most.

In a surprising turn of events, the streets of Kathmandu have become a focal point for a unique demand that challenges the prevailing global trend towards democratic governance. Thousands of Nepalese protesters are fervently advocating for the reinstatement of their monarchy, shaking the very foundations of their republic.

The voices of these demonstrators resonate with sentiments from a bygone era when the king held supreme authority. Vocal supporters of the former Nepali king claims, “Our country will regain its value and identity only if it returns to a monarchy, with the king reinstated to the throne.” Others, like Pasupathi Khadga, see the monarchy as intrinsic to the nation’s identity, stating, “For Nepal and the Nepali people to persist, we need a monarchy. Without a king, we lack an identity as Nepalese, and we might as well declare ourselves refugees.”

Nepal’s history

This fervor for monarchy is particularly intriguing given Nepal’s recent history. Until 2005, the country operated under a constitutional monarchy. However, King Gyanendra’s authoritarian actions, including dissolving the parliament and restricting civil liberties, led to widespread unrest. Public protests in 2006 demanded the king’s abdication, resulting in the transfer of power to the parliament and the subsequent abolition of the monarchy in 2008.

The clamor for a return to monarchical rule stems from the perceived challenges of Nepal’s democratic experiment. Since becoming a republic, the country has witnessed a remarkable turnover of 13 governments— in just 16 years. Political instability has become the norm, with coalitions forming and dissolving rapidly. The recent reshuffling of coalition partners, reminiscent of past political maneuvers, serves as a stark reminder of this volatility.

Economic struggles fuel discontent

Economic indicators further fuel disillusionment with the democratic system. Nepal’s GDP growth has been sluggish, inflation remains high, and youth unemployment is alarming. The departure of young Nepalese in search of opportunities abroad highlights deep-seated frustrations with domestic prospects.

Even though the grievances are valid, it is not advisable to romanticise the past as they led to the failure of Nepal’s political class—not the democratic system itself—are to be blamed for the current situation. The resurgence of royalist factions within the democratic framework will complex the debate even further.

Charting the path forward

As Nepal grapples with this crucial question is clear: addressing the root causes of dissatisfaction within the democratic framework rather than resorting to a regressive solution. The fate of Nepal’s governance ultimately lies not in the hands of a monarch but in the collective will of its people and the ability of its leaders to govern effectively.

In a disturbing incident that unfolded on March 10, a young boy named Nik Ahmed was abducted by Frontier Corps (FC) personnel from Ali Masjid, Khyber raising concerns about human rights violations and enforced disappearances by Pakistan Army-controlled forces.

Despite having a clean record and no criminal accusations against him, Ahmed was abducted without any apparent legal basis. The incident was captured on video, revealing FC officials in an official vehicle forcibly taking Ahmed while onlookers protested the abduction.

This incident has brought to light a growing pattern of enforced disappearances involving Pakistan Army and its affiliated forces. The victims, often targeted for their dissenting voices, face a harrowing situation as they are neither presented in court nor do their families have access to legal recourse. The Pakistan Army consistently denies involvement in such activities, leaving families in a state of despair.

The video evidence underscores the involvement of Pakistan’s FC in the kidnappings. The whereabouts of Nik Ahmed remain unknown, leaving his family deeply concerned for his safety. Enforced disappearances pose a significant challenge, as the victims often endure years of brutality before being released or, tragically, meet a fatal end.

Of particular concern is the targeting of young boys, some of whom are students, seen as potential dissenting voices in the future. The fear is that the enforced disappearance of these individuals is an attempt to suppress any narrative that could shed light on Pakistani oppression in the region.