Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF) spokesman Major Gwahram Baloch claimed responsibility for the attack on the death squad’s hideout, including a check post and a checkpoint of the Pakistani Army in Awaran.
Maj. Gwahram Baloch told the media from an unknown location that the freedom fighters of Balochistan attacked the Pakistani military check post at Labach Dansar area of Awaran district at around 4 AM (local time) on Wednesday morning with rockets and automatic heavy weapons. Three Pakistani military personnel were killed and two were injured in the attack.
Maj. Gwahram Baloch added that a military outpost located at Kor-e-Dot in Awaran District was hit by rockets and heavy weapons at around 4:30 PM (local time) killing two army personnel and injuring two.
He said the death squad personnel Barkat’s hideout was also attacked in Labach area of Awaran district. The hideout of the aforementioned state-sponsored death squads was targeted with rockets and automatic heavy weapons. The Death Squad established under the patronage of the state of Pakistan is involved in several crimes, including kidnapping, murder, and intimidation of the Baloch and is equally involved in the Baloch genocide by the Pakistani Army.
He said that attacks on the occupying state forces and their assistants and facilitators would continue till the independence of Balochistan.
In a splendid electoral performance, the Arvind Kejriwal-led
Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has won 62 seats while the BJP has won eight seats in the
70-member Delhi Assembly. AAP’s landslide win in the Delhi assembly election,
for the third time, has left BJP stunned.
“This is the victory of every family in Delhi who treated me
like their son. This is the victory of every family of Delhi that has started
getting 24-hour electricity supply, whose children have started receiving
quality education, and whose members have started getting good health services
in hospitals of Delhi,” Kejriwal said after winning the election.
“Kaam ki rajneeti bhari padi (The politics of work
overshadowed everything). We will decide the swearing in date and inform
everyone soon,” he added.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi also congratulated Kejriwal.
“Wishing them the very best in fulfilling the aspirations of the people of
Delhi,” he tweeted.
All prominent AAP leaders have been able to retain their
seats. AAP’s prominent faces Arvind Kejriwal, Manish Sisodia, Satyendra Jain,
Gopal Rai, Imran Hussain, Kailash Gahlot, and Rajendra Pal Gautam, retained the
New Delhi, Patparganj, Shakur Basti, Babarpur, Ballimaran, Najafgarh, and
Seemapuri constituencies respectively. AAP’s Pawan Sharma also kept his Adarsh
Nagar seat, defeating BJP’s Raj Kumar Bhatia by over 1,500 votes. Ambedkar
Nagar, a reserved constituency, was retained by AAP’s Ajay Dutt by a margin of
over 28,000 votes. Chatarpur’s Kartar Singh Tanwar, Deoli’s Prakash Jarwal,
Saurabh Bhardwaj from Greater Kailash, Nangloi’s Raghuvinder Shokeen and
Mangolpuri’s Rakhi Birla also retained their seats.
AAP’s Atishi also won her debut Assembly polls. One of the
most popular faces of the Aam Aadmi Party, had a tough fight. She bagged the
seat with over 11,000 votes defeating BJP’s Dharmabir Singh, who got 39,438
votes against Atishi, who polled 46,775 votes.
As many as 44 sitting MLAs including two from the BJP
retained their seats in the high-pitch Delhi Assembly elections. The two BJP
MLAs — Vijender Gupta from Rohini and OP Sharma from Vishwas Nagar — retained
their seats with comfortable margins of over 12,000 and over 16,000 votes
respectively. Anil Kumar Bajpai, former AAP MLA from Gandhi Nagar, retained his
seat not from AAP but BJP.
Aam Admi Party’s Raghav Chadha, the 31-year-old chartered
accountant-turned-politician, won from central Delhi’s Rajinder Nagar by
defeating BJP veteran Sardar RP Singh by nearly 20,000 votes. This is the first
time that the young AAP leader contested an assembly election. He had last year
unsuccessfully contested the Lok Sabha election from South Delhi.
AAP also won all 12 seats reserved for SC candidates
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has lost Delhi state elections and it’s certainly time for the BJP leadership to do some serious introspection on why after sweeping win in the Lok Sabha elections in mid-2019, they have not received the same support at state elections in Delhi. BJP had won all seven seats of Delhi in the 2019 General Elections.
It is worth thinking about why Delhi’s electorate changed its mind in less than a year. The BJP leadership at the state level in Delhi should do some serious introspection and compare the results of 2015 and 2020 elections. After an incredible Lok Sabha victory in 2014, they lost badly in 2015. The story is no different between 2019 Lok Sabha elections and the 2020 Delhi State elections. Of the 70 Delhi Assembly seats Arvind Kejriwal-led Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) won 62 seats and BJP could manage to win in only 8 constituencies.
Clearly, the electorate knows their mind and they know what they want from their politicians at the National level and at the State level. Yes, the people have huge expectations from Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his team for the country. They have similar expectations from their local leaders, but in matters that affect their daily lives.
They want the infrastructure in their community and town to be as they expect. They want their local politician to address and resolve these challenges. Mr Kejriwal and his party did a lot of work for Delhi over the past 5 years and this did not go unnoticed. Running down or challenging achievements in education and healthcare was a poor strategy of the BJP. The electorate did not believe the BJP leaders.
Let us look at some reasons why the BJP is consistently losing elections in most of the states.
National Issues are different from State Issues
National Security is critical and every step taken by the Prime Minister has been supported and applauded by the people. At the state elections, people do not want to hear about Pakistan bashing or the achievements of the country in international arena.
Matters like the revocation of Article 370 and Article 35A are important for the nation. However, these are not for discussion at the state level.
State Politicians need to deliver
The central government needs the support of states. Politicians at the state need to deliver in their constituencies. The BJP leadership at the state level must learn to win elections on their own and stop relying only on the senior most leaders. State politicians must realize that they are fighting the assembly elections and not for the Lok Sabha. Therefore, they need to depend on their work and not that of the central government. The state leaders must work to strengthen the hands of the Prime Minister and not constantly look for a free ride. They should bring in the big guns for support and not to win the elections.
If people want good health and good education, is it unreasonable? If they want a pollution free Delhi, they expect work to be done. If the electorate wants free electricity and free water, then so be it.
The electorate
understands the capabilities of the Prime Minister and his team. However, when
they hear their local leaders wax eloquent on national issues without bothering
to talk of local issues, they know these politicians are simply not delivering
what is expected of them.
Alliance Partners of the NDA must be taken into confidence in every election even if it means that the BJP has to lose a battle to win the war. The alliance partners know that the BJP is a strong party and yet they also know that they play a vital role in BJP’s plans at the state level. Alienating alliance partner just before state elections can never be a wise strategy and this normally starts with the bravado of the local state level leaders of the BJP.
Unless the BJP can
carry its partners, they will continue to bite the dust as is evident from
Maharashtra.
Loudmouths of the BJP need to
be told to shut up before every election. The people are tired of the
unnecessary rhetoric from some BJP leaders. They need to be told to stay quiet
if they do not have anything constructive to say. Negative statements are not
supported by anyone (though the politician who makes such statements may get
some applause from the community they are addressing).
Abusive language is
not respected by anyone in India. Why do junior BJP politicians not see and
learn from the dignity of their senior leaders? Such loud mouths do more harm
than good to BJP’s campaign.
BJP’s Communication must improve. Traditionally, the communication of BJP has been very poor. The spokespersons are the same for national issues and state issues who keep pushing the national agenda in all debates without understanding the challenges. If the discussion is about the state elections, the BJP spokespersons will try and manoeuvre the debate to a national issue. BJP needs a separate set of leaders who will address national issues and state issues. The BJP cannot have the same set of spokespersons on every channel on every issue.
Citizens Amendment Act(CAA)
The CAA has cleverly been morphed into National Population Register (NPR) and the National Register of Citizens (NRC), and BJP has not been able to communicate the difference clearly. Varying comments from central leadership is also being used very effectively by the opposition leaders who have very successfully managed to confuse the masses.
For the moment, the BJP can take some comfort from the fact that their vote share has increased in the Delhi elections but unless they change fast, the next round of state elections will have a similar sad story for the BJP.
The Prime Minister spoke of the report card of his government during the Lok Sabha elections and he was given a resounding mandate. What applies at the centre applies equally at the state.
BJP’s state leaders must show their report card and not that of the Prime Minister Narendra Modi or that of the BJP Government at the Centre.
Unless the BJP is in
power in States, they will find it increasingly difficult to implement their
plans and policies.
The harsh truth is
that no one remembers who came second.
It was The Sunday Guardian that on January 18, first broke the news that former Tehreek-e-Taliban (TTP) and Jamaat-ul-Ahrar (JA) spokesperson Ehsanullah Ehsan had escaped. Ehsan had been kept under detention by the Pakistan Army. But since there was no mention of this ‘breaking news’ in the Pakistani media, this report generated no debate or discussion. Au contraire it was treated with such scepticism that people overlooked the fact that the otherwise very hyperactive Director General Inter Services Public Relations (DGISPR) Maj Gen Asif Ghafoor didn’t even come out to rebut this report that appeared in an Indian newspaper and openly ridiculed the professional abilities of Pakistan Army.
But now that an audio tape purportedly released by Ehsan has emerged in which he has confirmed his escape, the question which arises is that how did this high-profile terrorist manage to escape from military custody? Please remember, Ehsanullah Ehsan belonged to the group that targeted Malala Yousafzai, besides being involved in numerous other terrorist attacks in Pakistan including the despicable Army Public School (APS) Peshawar massacre of innocent school children.
Nobel Laureate Malala Yousafzai. She was shot on her head by Ehsanullah Ehsan in October 2012.
The answer reveals
shocking laxity on the part of Pakistan Army. Quoting “sources in Pakistan,” Daily
Times has confirmed that Ehsan had “escaped
from a safe house where he was detained along with his wife and two daughters”
and that “The Pakistan Army got to know about his escape on January 12.”
That Ehsan not only managed to escape with his entire family
but also succeeded in fleeing the country raises serious doubts about the
Pakistan Army’s sincerity regarding its war on terror. Even though DG-ISPR
vehemently denied it, but right from the time of his so called ‘surrender’,
there were deep suspicions that Pakistan Army had struck some sort of a secret
deal with Ehsan. These fears were strengthened when the army (which otherwise
boasts about its professionalism and efficiency), failed to file a charge sheet
against him even after an year and the degree of suspicion of complicity was so
intense that the distraught parent of an Army Public School, Peshawar victim
even approached Peshawar High Court to ensure that the Pakistan Army doesn’t
manipulate the system to get clemency for Ehsan and thereby facilitate his
release!
Now that Ehsan has escaped, those who have lost their near
and dear ones in the numerous terrorist attacks carried out by Tehreek-e-Taliban
(TTP) and Jamaat-ul-Ahrar (JA) would obviously want to know why didn’t the Pakistan
Army incarcerate a hard core terrorist like Ehsan in a high security prison and
instead put him up in a “safe house” where he could enjoy the company of his
wife and children? How could Rawalpindi be so casual is something that Pakistan
Army chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa has to explain to the people and ensure stern
action against those guilty of omissions and commissions that allowed Ehsan to
escape and flee the country. Not filing a charge sheet in itself is a clear
indication of premeditated reluctance on the part of Pakistan Army as regards
bringing Ehsan to justice is concerned and his escape only further reinforces
suspicions of organisational complicity.
In his audio message Ehsan has confirmed that he had
surrendered to the Pakistan Army in 2017 under “an agreement.” This revelation confirms
that the Pakistan Army was being economical with the truth while announcing his
“surrender” and explains why it never charge sheeted him. But this is just the
tip of the iceberg and more skeletons from Rawalpindi’s cupboard will come
tumbling out as the former TTP and JA spokesperson has said, “I will also
mention on whose approval this accord (to surrender) was made with me. And what
were the terms and conditions of the agreement and which prominent figure had
assured me that the agreement will be implemented.”
Ehsan’s claim of having made some sort of an “accord” or
“agreement” with Pakistan Army officials doesn’t appear to be farfetched as Rawalpindi has a long history of
making Faustian deals with terrorists and one is reminded of former US
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s observation about Pakistan keeping ‘snakes
in its backyard’ and US President Donald Trump’s tweet about “lies & deceit”
that Islamabad has been peddling for the “last 15 years.” The international
community has turned a blind eye to Rawalpindi’s perfidy in regards to going
soft on certain terrorists for too long and in order to make the world a safer
place to live in, concerted action for compelling Pakistan to cease patronising
terrorist groups is the crying need of the hour.
Tailpiece– Since Ehsan has ‘confessed’ working at
the behest of Indian spy agency Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW), Pakistan
Army’s decision to keep him in a ‘safe house’ is in itself highly suspect. So, if
Rawalpindi continues to hold that Ehsan is a R&AW operative, then it has to
admit that by executing the successful ‘covert extrication’ of its ‘asset’, R&AW
has outwitted Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence (ISI). But if this isn’t
the case, then it’s obvious that that his so called ‘escape’ has been
clandestinely orchestrated by certain influential and powerful elements within the
Pakistan Army for whom Ehsan was proving to be a hot potato?
My life changed forever during a visit to my native village Sogam Lolab in Kashmir Valley. This was 17 years ago, and I was an excited 8-year-old boy. We were visiting after a long time. From Srinagar, we had traveled to north Kashmir’s Kupwara to reach the village.
Upon arrival, my mother decided to visit my uncle’s house and spend the night. She insisted that I stay with her but I didn’t listen. I went to another uncle’s place to have fun, as I hadn’t met them in a long time. Little did I know, it was going to be the last time I would speak to my mother.
To my surprise, at around 6 PM that day, all the neighbouring houses in the village switched off their lights. I asked my cousin about it, and he said, “Militants make routine visits to the houses in the village, and people offer them food and other things. Nobody has the guts to say anything to them. Whatever they say, everyone follows.”
At around 7 PM, while I was playing carrom with my cousins, we heard some gunshots. Initially we thought it to be an encounter between security forces and militants, because militancy was far too common in the Valley back then. After a few minutes, upon hearing loud cries from outside, we rushed to the gate to find my aunt weeping. When we entered the house where my mother was staying for the night, we saw blood stains on the walls. My elder sister fainted, and my brother and I had no idea what was going on.
The following day, people started gathering at our house. I saw two lifeless bodies lying on the bed — one was my mother and the other was my uncle.
There was a cotton roll full of blood in my mother’s right eye.
Eight-year-old me kept asking everyone why was my mother lying on the bed and why nobody was speaking to her or asking her to talk. I could only think of her being angry at me for not staying with her the previous night. Then I saw my father crying and realised something was wrong. Nobody responded to my questions; everybody was crying.
In the evening, I was told to see my mother’s face for the last time before the burial. I also went to the graveyard and filled her grave with my hands. It was all a blur, and I was absolutely clueless about the goings-on.
So what really happened that fateful night to my mother? The story goes, the militants had come knocking on my uncle’s door, and asked my mother for water. When she returned with water, one of them shot my uncle in the chest, while another shot my mother in the eye. Both of them died on the spot, and the militants fled.
Those militants not only killed two people – they rendered seven children motherless in the blink of an eye.
Seventeen years have passed, but the incident remains fresh in my memory. I still recall my last moments with my mother.
As per the central government’s data, there has been a 40% decline in the recruitment of militants in 2019 since the previous year. After the crackdown on Jamaat-e-Islami and the Hurriyat, stone-pelting has reduced. The Hurriyat has also faced opposition and rejection rejected from different sections of the Valley because of their failed Kashmir policy.
But the youth in south Kashmir, especially Tral, Pulwama, Shopian, continue to join militant outfits. They tend to easily fall for the ideals of jihad, after systematic brainwashing. They have no idea what they are up to, but they seem to prefer death over life.
It’s believed that (late) Hizbul commander Burhan Wani heralded the use of social media to recruit Kashmiri youth into militant ranks.
The fear of the gun in Kashmir is the only reason people don’t want to raise their voice against militancy and violence. In the past, we have witnessed the fate of those who have spoken against gun culture and violence in the Valley. Nobody dares to question the militants in such an atmosphere.
Independent India’s Citizenship Laws can be traced back to 1955. The Citizenship Act provided citizenship to those born in India and offered two ways for non-Indians to obtain Indian citizenship: People from the rest of undivided India would become eligible to apply for citizenship after seven years of residency in India whereas those from countries other than undivided India would become eligible after twelve years of residency in India. The Citizenship Act was amended in 1985 in the aftermath of the Assam Movement and then subsequently in 1992, 2003, 2005 and 2015. The 2003 amendment, in particular, introduced the notion of “illegal immigrants” (defined as those without proper travel documents or those who had overstayed the term of their Indian visas) into the Act and made them ineligible to apply for citizenship through registration or naturalization. These illegal immigrants could be deported and/or jailed. The 2003 Amendment also made it mandatory to ultimately compile a National Register of Citizens (NRC) – a move that was then supported by the Congress and Left parties. The latest amendment to the Citizenship Act came into being on 12th December 2019. The text of this amendment can be read here.
What makes this latest amendment stand out is that it, for the first time, permits people from the Hindu, Sikh, Jain, Jewish, Zoroastrian and Christian communities, originally from Pakistan, Bangladesh or Afghanistan to apply for Indian citizenship if these people had arrived in India before 31st December 2014, i.e., they had been living in India for five years. The Act specifically excludes Muslims. The constitutional validity of the Act has been challenged in India’s Supreme Court.
Sections of the media (including international media) and some countries have objected to this Act. Some people (particularly academics) have initiated signature campaigns against this Act. In India several rallies (some violent) have been held against this Act. These rallies have largely been instigated by some political parties and fringe groups. It is not always clear what these groups are agitating for – denial of citizenship to minorities from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan or award of citizenship to Muslims from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan. Before passing judgment on the Act it would be necessary to understand its rationale.
In April 1950 the then Prime Ministers of India and Pakistan (consisting of East and West Pakistan since Bangladesh had not been born then) entered into an agreement to protect minorities in their countries. The Nehru-Liaquat Pact (NLP) enjoined both countries to honour and protect the democratic, political, religious, cultural and economic rights of their minorities. This Pact had become necessary because although the partition of undivided India in 1947 was done along religious lines (whereas India opted for secularism, Pakistan became an Islamic Republic) both countries had significant religious minorities. The 1937 and 1945-46 elections in India had been conducted with separate electorates for different communities. The 1937 election did not have the creation of Pakistan as an objective of the Muslim League whereas the 1946 election specifically had this objective. The contrast between the results of the two elections was stark. For example, the Muslim League failed disastrously in the 1937 elections, but in 1946 it won 75 of the 85 Muslim seats in Punjab.
In contrast the Congress Party (mostly representing Hindus) won 58.23% of the total seats and 91 of the non-Muslim vote whereas the Muslim League won 26.81% of the total seats. It captured all Muslim constituencies in the central assembly as well as most of the Muslim constituencies in the provincial legislatures. More than anything else, this vote led to the formation of Pakistan. But, this could not obfuscate the fact that significant sections of the population in areas now in Pakistan voted for the Congress and significant sections of the population now in India voted for the Muslim League. In the mayhem and carnage of the partition not all Indian Muslims migrated to Pakistan nor did all Hindus and Sikhs in Pakistan migrate to India. Using comparable Census data from India and Pakistan the proportion of the population with Indian religious persuasions (Hindu, Sikhs, Jains and Buddhists) was 84.4% in 1941, 87.2% in 1951 (immediately after the partition) and 85% in 1991. The share of Muslims in India’s population was 13.3% in 1941, 10.4% in 1951 and 12.5% in 1991. By way of contrast in Bangladesh 29.6% of the population were Hindus, Jains, Sikhs and Buddhists in 1942, which fell to 22.8% in 1951 and subsequently to 11.3% in 1991. In Pakistan the population of Hindus, Sikhs, Jains and Buddhists fell from 19.6% in 1941 to 1.6 % in 1991 whereas the share of Muslims rose from 78.8% in 1941 to 96.7 % in 1991. (For details see chapter 2 of vol. 1 of Raghbendra Jha, Facets of India’s Economy and Her Society, Palgrave Macmillan, 2018.) These disparities have grown further since 1991. The share of Muslims in India’s population was 13.4 % in the 2001 Census and 14.2% in the 2011 census. Comparable figures are not readily available for Pakistan and Bangladesh.
This factual narration lays out the gross violation of the Nehru-Liaquat Pact by Pakistan and Bangladesh. Particularly in Pakistan, media has reported large scale kidnappings, conversions and forced marriages of young women. In India, the Muslim population has grown steadily and its mean per-capita expenditure is not very different from that of the Hindu population. (For details see chapter 9 of vol. 2 of Raghbendra Jha, Facets of India’s Economy and Her Society, Palgrave Macmillan). India has had Muslim Presidents, Vice Presidents, Governors, Chief Ministers, Chief Justices of the Supreme Court and the like. It is very hard to make the accusation of systematic discrimination against Muslims in India stick on.
By way of contrast, members of the minority community are facing dire conditions in Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan. They fear for their safety, dignity and livelihood and, except for small pockets, are not economically prosperous. Their forefathers did not participate in India’s freedom struggle for their progeny to end up in such hardship. Major leaders of India including Mahatma Gandhi had promised to give these people Indian citizenship should they ever choose to move to India. Some of these minority groups have fled to India, given that India has had a long history of providing refuge to persecuted minorities (Chapter 9 of vol. 2 of Raghbendra Jha, Facets of India’s Economy and Her Society, Palgrave Macmillan, 2018).
The CAA does not take away any Indian’s citizenship. On the other hand, it provides refuge to persecuted minorities. This should be seen as a humane gesture. With a population of 1.3 billion India does not have the capacity to absorb other persecuted groups. In any case, there are many other Muslim countries where persecuted Muslims from other counties could go. The path to Indian citizenship is open to Muslims from any country, including Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan.
Finally, the Act needs to be seen as positive discrimination much like the affirmative action policy of the US and the reservation for Scheduled Castes and Tribes (SC/ST) in India. Those who are agitating against the Indian CAA should perhaps pay heed to how much SC/ST and other deprived groups have benefited from such positive discrimination.
(This article was first published in Australian Outlook)
If Islamabad’s decision not to evacuate its students studying in Wuhan–the epicenter of the Coronavirus epidemic, reflects sheer irresponsibility then the reasons that it has given for doing so are even more appalling. How can a democratically government that’s supposed to be “Of, By and For the People,” abdicate its constitutional responsibility in such a casual manner? How can anyone ever expect that Special Assistant to Prime Minister on Health Dr Zafar Mirza’s pontification about the weird choice of ruling out evacuation from Wuhan on the grounds that “it is in the larger interest of the region, world, country” allay the genuine fears of effected students or their distraught parents?
Dr Mirza
did speak about how the “(Pakistan) government cares about its citizens
just as much as their own families.” But by going on to suggest that evacuation
of Pakistani students from Coronavirus -hit Wuhan would amount to be taking “an
emotional decision and become a reason for the spread of this disease,” he
only ended up exposing
Islamabad’s complete apathy for its own citizens. It’s no secret that Pakistan
can’t survive without the political and financial support that it’s been
receiving so generously from China and therefore, one can well understand
Islamabad’s compulsion of faithfully toeing Beijing’s line.
But then,
even subservience has a limit, which is why Islamabad’s inexplicable
willingness to put its own citizens in peril is something that defies logical
explanation. Dr Mirza’s apologetic defence of Islamabad’s decision against
evacuation of its citizens from Wuhan on the grounds that “… this
is China’s policy and this is our policy as well. We stand by China in full
solidarity,” is really pathetic, to say the least. Furthermore, by saying
“Right now the government of China has contained this epidemic in Wuhan
city,” the Prime Minister’s Special Assistant on Health has committed the
unpardonable sin of officially spreading misinformation amongst the people just
to please Beijing.
To coverup the absolute abdication of its constitutional
responsibility, Islamabad has (like always) avoided using the ‘bullet approach’
by being specific while justifying its actions and instead, is relying on the
‘buckshot strategy’ of peppering its domestic audience of a wide-ranging array
of rather poor excuses. Dr Mirza categorically ruled out evacuation by saying
that “If we act irresponsibly and start evacuating people from there, this
epidemic will spread all over the world like wildfire.” But Foreign Office
spokesperson Aisha Farooqui said that Pakistani nationals were stranded at
Urumqi airport due to a flight delay adding that “Pakistani government was
making an all-out effort for its citizens,” but didn’t elaborate what
these “all-out” efforts were!
Today, almost everyone in authority in Pakistan is busy
giving explanations ranging from the pedestrian to the bizarre, whereas Islamabad’s
plea is that since no advisory on evacuation of people has been issued by the
World Health Organisation (WHO) its stance is vindicated. Pakistan President Dr
Arif Alvi has invoked Islam to justify Islamabad’s decision of leaving hundreds
of hapless Pakistanis in China to their own device. Consider his tweet: “Prophet’s
directions regarding disease outbreaks are a good guide even 2day. If you hear
of an outbreak of plague in a land, do not enter it, but if the plague breaks
out in a place while you are in it, do not leave that place” (Bukhari &
Muslim). One wonders whether his tweet will help those stuck in China and will
be able to comfort those who are staring coronavirus in its face and begging
the Government of Pakistan to evacuate them.
With Pakistan’s Ambassador in Beijing Naghmana Hashmi saying
that “medical facilities in Pakistan do not meet the standards (essential
for tackling coronavirus)” and Special Assistant to Prime Minister on
Health countering this by stating that Pakistan is fully prepared to combat any
outbreak of coronavirus, things have become even more confusing. But the truth
isn’t very hard to find. Islamabad may hide behind the absence of any WHO
advisory on evacuation from areas where coronavirus infection has been
reported, but when other neighbouring countries like India and Bangladesh have
commenced evacuating their nationals from China, Islamabad’s refusal to follow
suit makes no sense. However, a clue that could decode Pakistan’s refusal to
consider evacuation of its nationals can be found in Dr Mirza’s “We stand by
China in full solidarity” announcement.
With Chinese ambassador to Pakistan Yao Jing thanking
Pakistan for extending unwavering support by honouring Beijing’s request
against evacuation of its nationals, it becomes absolutely clear that the sole
reason for Islamabad’s skewed decision on evacuating its nationals from
coronavirus hit areas is to ensure appeasement of its “all weather friend.” As
on date, at least five Pakistani nationals in China have contracted coronavirus
and since Islamabad is not considering evacuating its nationals from there,
this number could grow. One only hopes that good sense prevails quickly and
unconditional subservience of Pakistani leadership is replaced by a sense of
responsibility towards the people so that the mental and physical ordeal of the
hapless Pakistani nationals trapped in China has a happy ending.
Tailpiece—It’s high time Prime Minister Imran Khan
realised that no matter how ‘weatherproof’ or ‘sweet’ Islamabad’s friendship
with Beijing may be, he has no moral right to play with the health and lives of
Pakistani nationals just to keep China happy. The Pakistan Army may have
abandoned its dead during the 1999 Kargil conflict, but it could do so because
Rawalpindi isn’t answerable to anyone. The legislature is certainly accountable
to the people and so, unlike the military, Khan cannot leave his countrymen in
China to their fate. Let’s not forget that come what may, humans can never be
rendered disposable by ‘larger’ interests!
On paper, mining in Goa has been closed for exactly two years. In reality, the crisis has been tossed around — like a ping pong game — for almost seven years. Consider the latest case where the Supreme Court recently
allowed the miners to transport nearly 10 million tonnes of iron ore to the
ports for export. It will bring revenues worth Rs 3500 crore and help the
beleaguered state government fill a portion of its coffers.
But the big question haunting the miners is: Where are the
trucks to transport the ore and, more importantly, does the markets need such
low-quality ore?
Worse, even if the trucks are procured from outside the state
and put into work, is there a guarantee that work will start soon?
Frustrated at the state of affairs in the Goa mining sector, representatives of 40 village Panchayats recently petitioned the state government and the Centre to take action against those not in favour of mining. In their petition, they argued that Goa’s loss is someone’s gain.
Mining shutdown in Goa has only resulted in China’s gain.
And what is interesting is that the biggest beneficiary of the
Goa shutdown has been two mining companies from faraway Australia, among them
Fortescue Metals Group (FMG) — a public listed company — which have taken
over the Goan orders and sending their low-grade iron ore to China. New Delhi’s
loss, in other words, is Beijing’s gain.
So what do the miners in Goa do? They wait, wait and wait. A
crucial hearing in the Supreme Court next Monday, February 10th , 2020
could solve the state’s long pending mining crisis. All eyes are on the apex
court.
The Goa mining crisis is the perfect case of one step forward,
two steps backward. Many times, lies have overpowered facts, and turned them
into fiction. Consider the point made by the Retired Justice Shah Commission
that illegal mining was spread over 550 hectares in Goa and caused a whopping
loss of Rs 35,000 crores.
After many court cases, now the actual loss is yet to be computed — I mean a definitive figure — and the area now rests at 5 hectares. In short, the Supreme Court dismissed the Shah Commission findings and asked the state government to assess the losses. The NGOs — there are over 1000 and more in Goa — argued they wanted a six member committee supervised by the country’s apex court. The committee was formed with as many as four members who, reportedly, were heavily leaned towards the NGOs. And when the very committee said the matter should be handled by the state government, the NGOs argued that they did not want the report.
India’s Supreme Court has dismissed Shah Commission findings which claimed that illegal mining in Goa was spread across 550 hectares and had caused a whopping loss of Rs 35,000 crore. Even after several court cases, the actual loss is yet to be calculated and illegal mining spread in Goa now rests at 5 hectares.
Worse, arguments against miners are now not revolving around
environmental damage that was once hyped across India. Now, the arguments
revolve around mining acts and tweaking of the same as demanded by the miners
and opposed by the NGOs, led by Goa Foundation. Slowly, and steadily, the NGOs
have lost their cases and causes, only to file similar appeals in another
court.
“We are deeply, deeply anguished at the disturbing trends in
Goa. Liabilities are increasing by the day,” says Ambar Timblo, president, Goa
Mineral Ore Exporters Association (GMOEA).
Timblo said in an interview in the Indian Capital that it is
taking many, many months for the mining companies to counter what he called was
blatant lies of the NGOs, and crucial time is lost. “We have got permission to
ship the ore now. But for how long? It is like getting an appointment letter
for three months with an uncertain future. We hope to get some clear answers
from the Supreme Court.”
Timblo said the GMEOA has formulated a three point strategy and
wanted New Delhi to react on the same. The three factors listed by the mining
body include resumption of mining, judicious implementation of projects under
funds collected and why dump sale of iron ore is actually impracticable because
of market requirement of better quality ores.
The central government needs to listen and take action on the
three-point agenda of the miners.
“Goa mining has a history of several decades and contributed
immensely to the socio-economic upliftment of the communities and has
contributed a major share in the state revenue. Now, the unemployment rate is
almost 35% in the state (highest in India),” says Sauvick Mazumdar, secretary,
GMOEA.
Reports emerging from Goa, say miners out of job and cash for nearly two years are on the verge of a total collapse. There could soon be a civil unrest, say reports reaching the national capital.
Mining trucks are sitting idle in Goa
The figures are
horrifying. An estimated 300,000 miners are without salaries ever since the
Supreme Court shut down iron ore mining in the coastal state. Another 100,000
people involved in ancillary business have been severely impacted. Mining was
the largest employment generator in Goa.
“We have a very
uncertain future,” Nilesh Cabral, minister in the Goa government, said in an
interview. The minister said he fears unrest among the miners, without jobs for
almost 22 months. “Shops have closed, trucks have disappeared, many high-value
machines have gathered rust. This is very, very depressing. We want the Centre
and the Supreme Court to intervene…We do not know what will happen if the
miners turn violent and hit the streets. This is India’s biggest human crisis.”
Cabral said it
is unfortunate that mining has been banned in Goa not because of environmental
or health concerns but because of the interpretation of the laws: Extension of
leases has been disallowed without an alternative solution in mind.
Many support
Cabral’s point of view.
Putti Gaonkar,
a leader among the miners, says the ban has had a far reaching collateral
damage and shaved off a large portion from Goa’s GDP ever since mining stopped.
“We did
everything needed, everything within our control. We went to Delhi and
represented our case at the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) last year. But
nothing happened. Hundreds have lost their jobs, hundreds have seen their
salaries halved, and many are just living on one meal a day. We are in a
horrible, horrible condition. Those who pushed us out of jobs are sitting
happy, their lives have not been impacted,” said Gaonkar, currently president
of the Goa Rajya Kamgar Mahasang, a state level federation of 21 trade unions
in Goa.
Worse, the
state government has to rely on Sovereign Bond sale to meet its salary
commitments to its employees. Shutting down of mining operations has caused a
40% slide in individual incomes, claim recent studies.
“India is
waking up to the demands of students, no one cared for us when we sat on the
footpath near Parliament for over a week. Goans are peaceful people, we are
still peaceful. But how long?” asked Gaonkar.
Gaonkar should
know. Intelligence reports generated by cops in Goa say there could soon be a
spike in social unrest and crimes, which—in turn—could spell trouble for Goa’s
tourism economy. This is not good news because the coastal state’s economy has
been, so far, characterized by friendly service and a self-restrained law and
order.
The Supreme
Court will soon hear a petition of Vedanta Limited on its plea to extend its
iron ore mining lease for 50 years, from 1987 to 2037, citing the Mines &
Minerals (Development & Regulation) Act of 1957. Highly placed sources told
this reporter the mining crisis was among issues listed for Prime Minister
Narendra Modi, who met a host of industrialists to discuss ways to boost demand
and jobs, and growth in the country. Vedanta chairman and promoter Anil
Aggarwal was also present in the meeting.
The Supreme
Court cancelled 88 mining leases in Goa on 7th February 2018 and
ordered fresh mining leases and fresh environment clearances. The iron ore
mines were shut following a petition by the Goa Foundation.
Gaonkar said
before the first ban in 2012, mining contributed 25% to the state economy while
effectively occupying only around 5% area in the state. After the ban, the
contribution is less than 1%. Since mining was 100% export oriented, forex
losses are significant, currently standing at a whopping $10 billion.
Supportive
infrastructure comprising equipment suppliers, logistics and ancillary industry
and the very crucial transport sector with trucks, barges, and jetties, have
floundered. As per current estimates, more than 12,000 trucks and 150 barges
and ancillary units are at a standstill.
Experts say
Goa’s case is unique because it is the only state, which has a logistical
arrangement for movement of iron ore from mines to ports through trucks,
jetties and barges. In other states, where mining takes place, the primary
means for transporting the ore are railway wagons. And the wagons are not
always available because Indian Railways is on a perennial short supply.
Besides, there are demands for wagons from the coal mining companies as well.
So the advantage Goa had for being a unique mining state is now lost.
This is one
side of the story. The other side is very horrifying.
Families of the miners have almost exhausted their meagre
savings and have been subsisting on loans and doles from friends and
well-wishers. Banks and NBFCs in Goa are heading for a slide. When mining was
continuing, these very institutions eagerly extended credit lines because of
stable collateral.
But in the
absence of mining, the ability of miners to repay has vanished. This, in turn,
has triggered a huge NPA crisis in the state. The miners, very sadly, are
saddled with no hope, no cash. The owners of trucks and mining equipment are
being hounded by banks for recovery of loans, which they cannot repay. Outstanding
loans now standing at almost Rs 200 crore, 30% of which is from the
co-operative banks. The late Chief Minister, Manohar Parrikar, had promised to
waive it off. But it has not happened.
“We feel sad when we look at the students’ agitation and the way
the nation, its politicians are reacting to it. There is a sense of urgency to
it. I want to tell the students that their agitation is for the idea of India.
Our idea of India is also in our hearts, perfectly in place. But hunger is
important,” said Gaonkar.
A few days back there were reports of a major counter-terrorist operation at the Indian military cantonment of Nagrota. Pakistani terrorists, who had probably infiltrated from Hiranagar, in district Kathua of the Jammu region were accosted at a poll plaza near Nargota cantonment. Three of the terrorists were reported killed while one security person was injured. It is appreciated that there were more than three terrorists in the truck and operations are on to find the remaining.
The intention of the terrorists is not known. They could have been instructed to carry out a terrorist strike on some military establishment in Nagrota itself. They also could have been on their way to Kashmir where, at present, there’s a huge deficit in the terrorist cadre. The foreign terrorist leadership has been neutralised by the Indian security forces in Kashmir and without that recruitment as well as motivation of local cadre becomes impossible. It is the foreign terrorists who used to compel the local youth into pursuing the path of terrorism by threatening them as well as their families of dire consequence on refusal.
Just before this operation a very serious security breach was unearthed in which a senior police officer was caught assisting movement of terrorists in Kashmir. The National Investigation Agency (NIA) is carrying out investigations to unearth the nexus which seems to be deep rooted.
The foregoing incidents are a chilling reminder of the determination of the inimical forces to keep the flame of terrorism alive in Jammu and Kashmir. They are a clear indication that the terror masters sitting abroad are attempting to find new and innovative methods to get their manpower, weapons and war like wherewithal across.
The Pakistani terror establishment seems to have gone into hyper mode after the Indian Republic Day celebrations on January 26th this year. While the celebrations were carried out with traditional grandeur, aplomb and festivity what was different and very critical for Pakistan was the number of “firsts” that were showcased in the impressive parade held at Rajpath in New Delhi.
For the first time in the history of independent India, Prime Minister Narendra Modi paid tribute to the fallen soldiers at the “National War Memorial.” The magnificent National War Memorial enshrines the names of all brave sons of Mother India who gave their lives in operations after the country gained independence on August 15th 1947. A large number of the brave hearts whose names are enshrined in the National War Memorial have given their lives while fighting the cause of the nation in the Jammu, Kashmir and Laddakh. The significance of the War Memorial in reminding the people of India and the world about the perfidy of Pakistan is not lost to it.
Another matter of great satisfaction is the fast track military modernisation of the country that was visible in the Republic Day Parade. On display was a large number of state-of-the-art military hardware that India has acquired in the last few years, during the NDA rule. This included the superb Chinook heavy lift helicopters and Apache attack helicopters acquired from the United States that are already operational in the Indian Air Force and are seen by strategic experts as great force multipliers.
Chinook heavy lift helicopters fly over Rajpath during the 71st Republic Day Celebrations in New Delhi on January 26, 2020. Photo: PIB
Also holding a place of pride in the parade was the Bhishma Main Battle Tank (MBT) that is being made in India on licence from Russia and forms the sword arm of the Indian Army in conventional operations.
Of great significance was the Artillery equipment on display, including the M777 Howitzer acquired from BAE systems that kick-started modernisation of artillery regiments in May 2017, the indigenously produced Dhanush Field Artillery Gun based on the Bofors design and inducted into service in mid-2019 and the K9 VAJRA-T 100 self-propelled tracked 155 mm howitzers being indigenously produced by Larsen & Toubro (L&T) at Talegaon, Maharashtra. These guns have filled a decades old gap in the military modernisation of the country.
The icing on the cake was the Shakthi anti-satellite platform that was successfully tested by India on March 27th, 2019 by destroying an old satellite on low earth orbit with a kinetic kill vehicle. India’s successful demonstration of ASAT capability puts her in the strategic league of a select few nations in the world like US, Russia and China.
The derivative of these firsts is that the stagnation in military modernisation has been replaced by a new urgency to cover the lost time. Creation of the post of Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) will ensure that the modernisation plans move ahead in a timely and professional manner.
Pakistan is well aware that the new equipment that is being inducted will be predominantly utilised to counter its vicious designs along the northern frontier of the country including the two Union Territories of J&K and Laddakh. From its reaction it becomes apparent that security of India cannot be assured only with procurement and provision of military wherewithal. Our inimical neighbour continues to vigorously pursue efforts toward keeping foreign sponsored terrorism ticking in accordance with its policy of bleeding India with low cost proxy and hybrid war.
Definitely our enemy is desperately searching for a credible counter to India’s increasing military might. It is therefore attempting to bolster terrorism in Kashmir and also giving support to seditious activities in the main land. It is well known that financial and organisational support for the ongoing agitations for non-issues like CAA/NCR/NPR is coming from Pakistan.
While the security forces are poised to nullify the challenge being posed by cross-border terrorism and other conventional means, there is need for utmost urgency in identifying and exposing the perpetrators of seditious, anti-national activities. It is time for the leadership to show resolve and handle the emerging critical situation in a firm and righteous manner that upholds the principles of our Constitution. In this resolve the leaders can remain confident about the unmitigated support of all nationalist forces in the country.
Jeeyand Baloch, Spokesperson of the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) said in a statement that three Pakistani Army personnel were killed in two separate attacks in Bolan, Balochistan. “The Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) fighters targeted Pakistani Army personnel in two separate attacks in Bolan. This attack resulted in killing three Pakistani Army personnel and grievously injured two,” Jeeyand Baloch said.
BLA fighters also killed the security personnel of an oil and gas exploration company in a sniper attack at Shamir Lat area of Bolan, Balochistan.
The second attack was carried out by BLA “Sarmachars” at the checkpoint of the Pakistani Army in Zardalu, Shahrag area. Two Pakistani Army personnel were killed and two more were injured in the attack.
The Baloch Liberation Army has already warned that such plundering projects by occupier Pakistani Army will not be allowed in Balochistan. “Our attacks on such projects and occupier forces will continue,” said Jeeyand Baloch.
Pakistan has forcibly occupied Balochistan for the last seven decades and continues to plunder natural resources of the region. Pakistan Army and its rogue intelligence agency ISI have resorted to “kill and dump” policy in Balochistan where they target Baloch nationals who raise their voice against atrocities by the Pakistan Army.
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